Part of the debate – in the Senedd at 6:17 pm on 22 June 2016.
Thank you. Diolch, Presiding Officer. Just to say at the beginning of the debate, I’ve given a minute to Rhianon Passmore and a minute to Joyce Watson at the end of my speech. The title of the debate that I chose was ‘Should I Stay or Should I Go? What factors have influenced public opinion over the EU referendum campaign?’
Now, I tabled this debate before the terrible events on Thursday last week when the MP for Batley and Spen, Jo Cox, was tragically killed in her constituency. I think it is fitting that we look at the influences on public opinion in the run-up to the referendum tomorrow. Sadly, I think Jo’s death has had an influence on the debate over the weekend and on into this week. It was right and fitting that there was a lull in campaigning over the weekend, but now we’re back to it quite ferociously, as the previous debate has shown, but perhaps there is, UK-wide, a slightly different tone.
So, I hope, in the light of the type of person Jo was and what her husband, Brendan Cox, has said following her tragic death, that she would be happy and would want us to carry on with the debate on the EU referendum and the fight to remain in the EU because she was, as her husband said, a passionate supporter of the EU and was campaigning for a ‘remain’ vote. So, Presiding Officer, I want to say a bit about Jo, personally, and then link her beliefs to the vote that we will be having tomorrow.
Today would have been Jo’s forty-second birthday, and events are taking place all over the world to remember her. There were events in New York, Brussels, Buenos Aires, Dublin, London, and there will even be a tribute at the Glastonbury Festival. There’s also a candlelit vigil at a woman’s charity in Syria because Jo was a great supporter of women’s rights. I’m very pleased that we had the cross-party event of women Assembly Members on the steps of the Senedd yesterday, highlighting what the EU has done for women because, as I say, Jo believed that the EU was delivering for women. And an event is taking place just up the road now—or has already taken place—in the Temple of Peace and Health here in Cardiff, at the Welsh Centre for International Affairs, with the theme of ‘What can we do?’
I didn’t know Jo Cox, but I feel like I do, and as one of my colleagues said recently, I wish I had known her. I identify with her as a woman politician and as a mother, and I can especially imagine the excitement she must have felt arriving in Westminster just over a year ago, after the general election in 2015. I can remember that feeling, when I was elected in 1997 for the first time as a Member of Parliament. I think we all felt it, just six weeks ago, when we all had the thrill of being elected and came to this Chamber with our plans to change the world. The poignancy of what has happened to all those hopes and to her individually, I think, strikes me so strongly, but the things she believed in, I think, are what we must carry on with.
I must say, I was particularly struck, listening to the present women MPs talking about being in the House of Commons with Jo and how they all used to talk about their worries, about how they balance their family life, looking after their children and doing politics, and the maternal guilt that this produces, which many of us have had. The discussion in the House of Commons, in that sort of way, strikes a chord with many of us. What has emerged from the coverage of Jo’s life is how she loved her family so much, but she loved her politics as well, and they didn’t conflict. She was a passionate campaigner, and she was full of compassion. She campaigned for human rights, international development, the plight of refugees, the plight of people who are dispossessed, and her background was working in campaigning non-governmental organisations, like Oxfam. Of course, we’ve already heard a lot about her ability to work on a cross-party basis, and the Conservative MP Andrew Mitchell said that Jo was
‘a truly exceptional woman, whose goodness and passionate dedication to humanitarian values has inspired us all.’
Jo’s husband Brendan has said that, before she died, she was becoming increasingly concerned about the tone of the debate in the EU referendum campaign, and I think those feelings have been reflected here this afternoon in the debate we’ve already had. Four days before she was killed, Jo Cox wrote an article warning against the spin around immigration in the EU debate. She wrote
‘We cannot allow voters to fall for the spin that a vote to leave is the only way to deal with concerns about immigration.’
Following her death, in his Commons tribute to her, Stephen Kinnock warned that ‘rhetoric has consequences’, and I think that is very important for us to remember. We must be very careful when we talk about sensitive issues like immigration, because rhetoric does have consequences. He referred to the poster that the Cabinet Secretary referred to earlier on today and said that Jo Cox would have been disgusted had she lived to see the UKIP poster, which depicted a crowd of refugees fleeing from the Syrian civil war as a way of boosting support for Brexit, and:
‘I can only imagine Jo’s reaction had she seen the poster that was unveiled hours before her death—a poster on the streets of Britain that demonised hundreds of desperate refugees, including hungry, terrified children, fleeing from the terror of ISIS and from Russian bombs. She would have responded with outrage, and with a robust rejection of the calculated narrative of cynicism, division and despair that it represents’.
And I do believe that that is the tone that this referendum has encouraged, because immigration has been a running theme throughout the referendum campaign. It’s been hugely reported in the newspapers, online and in the broadcast media. I’m sure many of you will have seen the debate last night and, as Sadiq Khan said in the referendum debate last night, to the ‘Out’ campaign, with regard to immigration,
‘Your campaign hasn’t been project fear, it’s been project hate’.
I’ve been out campaigning in my own constituency in Cardiff North, and when I speak to people, I think there’s absolutely no doubt that the tone of the debate has influenced, and is influencing, people’s view on immigration. And I think it’s really important that, when we talk about immigration, when we talk about immigrants and migrants, we should think about the effect that this is having on people who are immigrants, who are migrants, who are living in this country. What do they think about this debate? What is their reaction? There’s absolutely no doubt that this is having an effect on people in that situation. They feel they’re not wanted here. People have come and told me here that they feel they’re second-class citizens, and I think it’s absolutely outrageous that human beings in our country should be made to feel like this. I think it is possible to have a debate about immigration, a proper, balanced debate, but not in the tones that this debate has been framed. I think it has been insidious, and I think it has influenced people when they are considering how they’re going to vote.
Also, it’s very important that we have a debate that is based on facts, and we know that the figures that are given, and the tone of the debate, are just grossly exaggerated. According to figures from Cardiff University School of Social Sciences, the percentage of non-UK-born nationals in Wales is just 5.8 per cent, and the percentage of migrants of working age in Wales is 8 per cent of the population. That includes asylum seekers, refugees, 25,000 international students—and we know how much we want to encourage international students here—and, of course, migrants engaged in both high- and low-skilled work. We know that migrant workers are likely to be younger, they’re more likely to be better educated, and they’re more likely to be employed than the UK-born population. I think those figures show the huge contribution that migrants are making to Wales and to the UK.
Thousands of migrants are working in the NHS. Thousands of migrants are working in the care industry. What if they all decide to go home because they’re so fed up of the way they’re being treated in this country, that they’re being treated like second-class citizens? Of course, across the UK, EU immigrants make up 10 per cent of registered doctors, and we know how difficult it is to get doctors. What is going to happen if they decide they want to go home? Also, why should migrants living here get the blame for any deficiencies there are in housing or hospitals or schools? Because that’s what people have taken from this insidious propaganda—they say, ‘They’re taking our houses; they’re taking our places in schools.’ We have seen a prolonged period of austerity from the Tory Government at Westminster, which has made even more cuts to local authority services inevitable, but it is not the fault of the migrants if there aren’t enough council houses to go round, or if a local library closes. That is in the hands of the Government—our Governments here in the UK.
The other arguments that have actually been aired very robustly here this afternoon are about sovereignty—the idea that we should take back control of our borders, when we already know that we’re not part of the Schengen agreement, so we do have control of our borders—and also the idea that unelected officials in the EU are making policy here in the UK, which is completely false, because nothing can go through unless it’s agreed by the Council of Ministers, who are elected. It is very rich that a country that still has a House of Lords thinks that the European Union is bureaucratic and non-elected, because, really, I think most other countries thinks that it’s absolutely extraordinary that we have a House of Lords here.
So, in terms of work and the idea that immigrants are taking people’s jobs, this again is another myth that has been perpetuated. There are more people in work in Wales now than at any other time, and there are more people born in the UK who are working now than ever. That is true of Wales and the UK. Migrants are part of the economic success. So, this idea that migrants and immigrants are taking jobs is nonsense, and I just hope that, when people vote tomorrow, they will take into account these important facts and will not be influenced by the insidious spin that has been put on all these facts, because there’s no doubt that there is a divide in the country—a divide in how people are going to vote. Whatever the result, we’re going, I think, to have a job in trying to restore community cohesion. But I do hope that people, as they vote, will think of their children and their grandchildren, as has been said this afternoon in the debate, and the hopes and opportunities for their children and grandchildren, but also think about the huge contribution—the economic contribution, the cultural contribution—that every person who lives here in our country, in Wales, contributes. When we say things, let’s remember that.