4. 4. Plaid Cymru Debate: The Wales Bill and the Electoral System

Part of the debate – in the Senedd at 3:09 pm on 29 June 2016.

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Photo of Siân Gwenllian Siân Gwenllian Plaid Cymru 3:09, 29 June 2016

(Translated)

Before coming to that, I will touch on two other issues. The first is the need for young people between 16 and 17 to be allowed to vote. That is vital by now, because young people were angry and frustrated that their voices were not heard in the referendum, and there is also a need for us to create a youth parliament in Wales, because Wales is the only country without such a parliament. We must move forward in order to bring young people into politics. Obviously, it would make it easier for them to vote, by introducing online voting, for example, and introducing political education in schools would also be important.

But, turning to this subject, then, in 2012 only 39 per cent of people voted, and in this year’s National Assembly election, just over 45 per cent voted. So, it’s obvious that people feel there’s no point in voting, because it’s the same people who win all the time. I’ll give you two examples. In 2012, in the Sketty ward in Swansea, the Liberal Democrats won five seats with only 37.5 per cent of the vote. Labour received 29.2 per cent, and the Conservatives 20 per cent, but yet again, they weren’t able to win any of the seats. And, in a more notorious example, in 2008, in Cardiff, the Liberal Democrats won the majority of seats with only a third of the votes. Over the years, every party has benefited from the first-past-the-post system, and every party has suffered because of it also, but that’s not what I’m talking about here.

The STV system is used successfully in both Scotland and Northern Ireland. Scotland uses it in local elections, and nobody—no-one—in Scotland is elected without opposition. It has improved accountability and it’s actually made politics more vibrant, and it’s not just me saying this, but the Labour leaders in Glasgow and Edinburgh. In Northern Ireland, they are doubtful whether the peace process could have been agreed without it. And the Richard commission had actually recommended STV for our Assembly here.

I turn to some of the arguments that are presented to oppose STV. The idea of proportional representation was rejected for the 2011 elections, but it wasn’t a proportional system that was in hand—some of us will remember the campaign at the time: ‘No to AV, Yes to PR’.

Some people say that STV is difficult to understand, but I reject that totally, because that’s a bit of an insult to the voters in Scotland and Northern Ireland who have no difficulty whatsoever in understanding the system.

So, this idea that it stops any particular party from winning or always leads to coalition, well, that’s life sometimes. Sometimes that happens in a democracy, and the modelling on STV that has been undertaken in this country shows that it can create one-party Governments if those parties do well in an election. And the current system is also creating a system of no clear control.

There are advantages in introducing STV in Assembly elections. Regional Members would be selected directly by the electors rather than by a party list system. It would lead to more positive politicking, because political parties would compete for the electors’ second and third choices. And so, that would lead to more positive and mature campaigning.

Those who would gain would be any politician that would work in a positive and constructive manner, and those who would lose out would be those who take the electors for granted. It would mean that the politics of Wales would gain, and, ultimately, this is very good for the people of Wales, and that is what we should have uppermost in our minds. Thank you.