Diolch, Lywydd. I move the amendment in the name of Simon Thomas.

I’m afraid my contribution won’t be quite as full as sunshine and lollipops as the previous speakers’. Perhaps at some point I could explain to Neil Hamilton the difference between Welsh nationalism and British isolationism, but there isn’t enough time to go through that today.

The past 48 hours or so have shone a disturbing light over the position of the Welsh Government, in particular the public pronouncements of the First Minister on three fundamental points: firstly, the process of withdrawal from the EU itself, secondly, the nature of Wales and the UK’s relations with the EU post Brexit, and, thirdly, the constitutional status of Wales.

On the first point, the First Minister has said that he wants Welsh involvement in the process of withdrawal, but has not substantiated on what shape that would take other than saying he is waiting on the UK Government position first. He has not either elaborated on the nature of post-article 50 negotiations. Does he, for example, support a chapter-by-chapter accession-in-reverse model? Does he want negotiations themselves to be held in the UK—maybe some in Wales where there is a particular relevance to Welsh interests? What supervisory mechanisms does the Welsh Government want in place to ensure there is no Westminster power grab when it comes to policy fields being repatriated from the EU to the UK?

On the second point of Welsh and UK relations with the EU post Brexit, specifically on the single market, on Monday the First Minister told me and the external affairs committee that he did not favour membership of the single market. Yesterday in this Chamber, he told the leader of the opposition that he did, before then saying that he preferred a free trade deal. In his evidence to the external affairs committee on Monday, the First Minister took great pleasure in highlighting the UK’s lack of expertise in trade negotiations before ruling out recruiting Welsh trade negotiators to ensure Welsh interests are upheld and made clear to Dr Liam Fox’s department in Whitehall.

This is all further confused by the fact that the First Minister appears to have made free movement of people a red-line issue through suggesting a moratorium of free movement post Brexit—a moratorium that the First Minister prefers to be wholly controlled in Westminster because, again, on Monday he poured cold water on the suggestion of devolved Governments being able to issue work visas for sectors of the economy and public services where there are skills shortages. This could be potentially disastrous for the Welsh NHS and R&D in this country. There is a wider social point, I think, to be made, Llywydd, on the issue of migration, and I would ask all progressives in this Chamber and beyond to be wary of appearing to pander to the kind of politics that scapegoats migrants for the poor political and economic decisions made by people in London.

On the third point of Wales’s constitution, threats made by the First Minister in Chicago on the possible political ramifications, should there be a post-Brexit deal that is unacceptable to Wales, proved hollow by Monday, because he ruled out any referendum on Wales’s future under any circumstances. To be clear, that means that Westminster can do its worst to Wales—there will be no serious consequences as far as this country is concerned.

It is quite clear that the UK Government has little idea of where it is going, let alone how it is going to get there. What an opportunity for Wales to map a trajectory for itself that can make the most of the situation we find ourselves in now and, at the same time, strengthen our national resilience politically and economically. Plaid Cymru cannot accept a situation where Wales is a timid spectator. We must be shouting as loudly and consistently as the other devolved nations are, if we have any hope of defending our national interest. I ask the Government, again, to produce a comprehensive plan and set of proposals for the three stages Wales now faces: our rolling Brexit negotiations, the post-Brexit deal we want to see for Wales and the constitutional outcome for Wales that goes beyond empty words about a federal model and actually articulates exactly what that model would look like. Diolch yn fawr iawn.