Part of the debate – in the Senedd at 3:18 pm on 28 March 2017.
I take your point completely, but this is actually the Parliament rather than the Government and I’d like this Parliament at the forefront, if you like, in helping inform Government to reach a negotiating—[Interruption.]—inform the Government reaching a negotiating position. I think my point is quite fair, actually, because, of course, although the White Paper calls for full and unfettered access to the UK single market, and although EU rules make that impossible after border control is restored to the UK, that’s not inconsistent with the UK Government’s desire for a free trade deal without membership. Although the White Paper identifies the risk of a power grab from the UK Government, the UK Government’s own White Paper states that we have
‘already committed that no decisions currently taken by the devolved administrations will be removed from them’, and we will use the opportunity of bringing decision making back here to make sure that more decisions are devolved. So, why I’m raising this is because hares are already running, and when I think we should be focusing on clear and present risks and opportunities rather than those that are more unlikely. We already seem to be calling into question how influential the Celtic nations are in the preparation of a negotiating position, and it would be easy, I think, to crank up the rhetoric on who’s doing what and saying what in a way that doesn’t help create confidence or convey a sense of unity, which will be needed to bring weight to a negotiating position.
So, I’m personally just not inclined to accept the First Minister's take on this, which is why recommendations 1 and 4 are important for us all, because I would like us to see a real drill down on those clear and present dangers. Let's see all the evidence to assess the strength of the Welsh Government’s position to help other voices make the case for it, including, but beyond, politicians. That soft diplomacy in non-intergovernmental relationships—you know, there's a series of them, not least with other advocates from within the EU and I think if you help us help them, that’ll strengthen the UK's negotiating position and the role of the Welsh voice within that. I'd like to see those sort of EU countries help build momentum for visibility for Welsh priorities and so it’s unclear to me why Welsh Government only accepts recommendation 1 in principle, i.e. that it publishes all the evidence on which it bases its position.
Now, similarly, I'm not quite sure what the Government's reticence to accept recommendation 4 in full was—namely providing a register of risks across all areas where Brexit will impact upon its activity. In its response, the Welsh Government states that actually it’s bringing forward a fresh risk assessment after the triggering of article 50. I suppose what I would have liked to have heard in the response is what Welsh Government might like our committee to do to help it identify emerging risks as well as emerging opportunities, of course, as became clear in our conference yesterday.
As the report states, several areas of policy might benefit from an agreed UK-wide approach or framework: for example, agricultural and marine and environment policies, and possibly—possibly—regional development policy to a degree as well. The head of Birmingham Law School told the committee that the process
‘does provide an opportunity to think about things in a different way’,
And, as NFU Cymru said this week:
‘While Brexit presents significant challenges, it also presents opportunities, and we need to ensure we take this opportunity to craft and develop an agricultural policy framework that supports productive, progressive and profitable farming and delivers jobs, growth and investment to Wales.’
So, finally, referencing back to where I started, regardless of my own personal starting position about Wales’s influence, I think we need to accept that the European advisory group—it is kind of bizarre when 11 of the 21 members are political associations but only one represents business, and I'd be grateful if, when considering where Wales stands in its negotiating position from now on, voices from all sectors are considered. It's not just about trade; it's about social, community cohesion as well. Thank you.