Diolch, Llywydd. I formally move the amendments down in my name.

There is little that one could disagree with in what the First Minister has just said. Clearly, we are going to be in a very different world administratively and legislatively outside the EU than within it, and I will say this right at the outset: that there must be no going back on the devolution settlement, and the powers that have been devolved to this Assembly should not in any way be eroded or obscured by whatever happens as part of the Brexit process. It is a matter of law what has already been devolved to the Assembly, and certainly agriculture and environment are going to be very important powers for us to exercise in years to come. It gives us greatly enhanced power in Wales to make for ourselves an agricultural policy or an environmental policy that better suits our needs. As the First Minister, and, indeed, the Government’s White Paper, together with Plaid Cymru, point out, there are many differences between the Welsh economy and the economy of the rest of the United Kingdom. In particular there is, as we know, a trade surplus in goods between Wales and the EU, whereas for the rest of the UK it’s very much the other way round.

But we can’t see this purely in a Welsh context because it is the United Kingdom that is going to be leaving the EU, not just Wales, and Wales has to see itself in the context of the United Kingdom, from which there are massive benefits in terms of fiscal transfers that it would lose if we were to take the nationalist position and become an independent nation politically. That’s not a dispute that we want to argue at length today. But what I want to say, as a result of this debate, is that the world is full of opportunities, not least for our own country to take advantage of them.

The First Minister referred to our amendment in relation to tariffs. We put this amendment down not because we want to move to a protectionist policy—we are a free-trading party. We think tariffs are a foolish way in which to try to protect your industries because, at the end of the day, all you do is institutionalise inefficiency and make yourself less competitive in the world. There’s a wealth of academic analysis that proves the truth of that.

The figures that are mentioned in the amendment are not our figures. They’re produced not, indeed, by a Eurosceptic body. They were produced by Open Europe, which was rather dispassionate and neutral on this issue and was actually in favour of Britain remaining inside the EU. The net effect of the tariffs that we refer to reflect the massive imbalance in trade between Britain as a whole and the rest of the European Union. We have a £60 billion a year trade deficit with the EU overall and, if we were to revert to WTO tariffs in two years’ time, on account of the intransigence of the European Union—. Because the British Government has made its decision perfectly clear: that it wants to see tariff-free trade, frictionless trade, between Britain and the rest of the EU after we leave. But, if the EU prevents us from doing that, then the impact will be felt more in terms of pounds on the European Union than it will be on Britain. If tariffs are introduced, then the net impact will be as described in our amendments. We will be very much in pocket.