We see a Government in Westminster at the moment that is intent on trying not only to leave the European Union without a deal in the most reckless manner possible, but willing to carry out their threats to use any means to do so whatsoever, including—the main focus for us today, of course—the suspension of Parliament, but also, as we've seen—we've heard reference to some of the legal cases—the flouting of the rule of law itself, in flaunting the duty of candour that the Government is under in the legal cases on prorogation; the very, very late revelation of some of the information that the First Minister referred to just a moment ago.

These are the most serious of times. Democracy wanes and dictatorship waxes not in one single moment, but in a series of fatal moments. Even in Rome—of course, the Prime Minister likes to talk about his classical education, though I saw that maybe his classics tutors may disagree—but, even in Rome, a dictator appointed by the Senate could not ignore the Senate, until one day a dictator came along who decided otherwise and claimed that he and the people were as one. Not content on modelling himself on Churchill, I think the Prime Minister now sees himself as a mini Caesar. You've got to say that even Cicero would probably have the whip removed under this Prime Minister. More Cabinet Ministers have had the whip removed in the last few days than has ever happened in history. Even his own brother now says he won't be standing in the next election. What does that say about what we are dealing with, the unique times that we are facing?

Dictatorship does not happen in a single step but in a series of small wounds that, over time, fester and infect the entire body. It's no exaggeration, I think, to say that having a British Prime Minister with such a wilful disregard for probity and democracy means we are living through times as dangerous as those of the 1930s, and I don't just mean that this five-week prorogation is the longest since 1930 and that the 15 October election date that is again being pushed today by the Leader of the House would be the first not on a Thursday since 1931. The populist English nationalism of Boris Johnson conjures up the memory more of Oswald Mosley than that of Ramsay MacDonald. It's for this reason that we have no hesitation in joining with the Labour Party in promoting the substantive motion that is before us, and which I hope we will pass in this Chamber today, and also, hopefully, some of the amendments we may be able to persuade the Labour benches to support as well.

Our opponents here declare that this debate is pointless and will achieve nothing. In doing so, they are revealing their contempt for our Welsh democracy. In doing so, they are laying bare their own utter inadequacy. Since the Senedd was established—I'm not going to refer to the party to my right here, to my hard right and probably more as well—Conservatives have struggled to slough off their identity and reputation as the English party in Wales. In the course of 20 years some of them managed to acquire the odd greenish tinge, maybe, but I say to the leader of the Conservative Party in Wales, your undemocratic behaviour as a party and as a Government in Westminster over these last few weeks and months has killed off the idea of a Welsh Conservative Party stone dead. Alun Cairns, as Secretary of State for Wales, carries just about legitimacy here in this country now as Carrie Lam does in Hong Kong.

Now, I come on to the amendments. I think it is important to say that—[Interruption.] Yes, go on.