– in the Senedd at 7:37 pm on 17 November 2020.
Item 13 is a debate on the report of the elections planning group, and I call on the First Minister to move the motion—Mark Drakeford.
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. The Senedd elections in 2021 would have been historic anyway. This is the first election held under laws made here in Wales. For the first time in Wales, young people of 16 and 17 years of age and qualifying foreign nationals will have a democratic right to vote on their future. But, the coronavirus pandemic has posed major challenges in terms of the safety and accuracy of the election, and to make the situation yet more complex, the UK Government has postponed elections for police and crime commissioners and so they will be held on the same day as the Senedd elections. I would like to take this opportunity to say once again that it’s the Government’s clear intention to hold the elections on 6 May next year. Later this month, we will be bringing forward legislation to make business-as-usual changes to the conduct Order, which notes the rules and regulations for the elections.
In light of the pandemic, in June, the elections planning group was established to consider the impact of the coronavirus and specifically what legislative changes could be necessary. The group included a number of partners as well as representatives of political parties, and I would like to thank all group members for their thoughtful and constructive contributions. I have had useful conversations with leaders of the political parties on the group in order to discuss some of these issues in greater detail. The Welsh Government Cabinet has also discussed the report. I’m pleased that the group was able to reach consensus on a number of important issues. They agreed with the Welsh Government that the continuing aim should still be for the Senedd elections to be held on 6 May and that, in order to achieve this, consideration should be given to making election operations more flexible and resilient following the public health advice on how best to protect the safety and well-being of everyone participating.
Ministers have asked officials to work with partners in order to implement the steps that the group came to consensus on, namely: encouraging vulnerable voters to consider a postal vote, to encourage others, also, to consider a postal vote, and to make an early application wherever possible; more flexibility in terms of nominees, postal voting and voting via delegate; and also ensuring that coronavirus regulations don’t create barriers to voting. We are also continuing to consider the timing of the notice of elections. The group suggested that it could be brought forward sooner, possibly. The group also considered how polling stations and counting halls could work safely and effectively. The Welsh Government will do everything within its power to help returning officers make the necessary arrangements.
Deputy Presiding Officer, we are focused on enabling the elections to happen as planned, but it would be irresponsible of us not to make plans in case the pandemic is so serious in May of next year where it wouldn’t be safe to hold an election. Yesterday, the Scottish Government introduced a Bill that would enable the Speaker of the Scottish Parliament to postpone the election if necessary because of coronavirus. I can confirm that we, too, are preparing to draft a Bill in order to make similar provision. This will allow us to bring forward legislation to the Senedd if the situation after Christmas suggests that we will need to do this as a final resort. We are planning to have the Bill ready to be presented to the Llywydd by the beginning of January.
I realise that providing powers to the Llywydd to postpone the elections for up to six months will be a major constitutional step, and therefore, if necessary, we will consider measures to safeguard the situation. These could include requirements for consultation in order to ensure that the Llywydd receives the most recent advice and information on public health issues, and also confirmation from the Senedd through a supermajority vote—a two-thirds majority vote—before that power could be exercised. I also anticipate that if we need to make use of the Bill, it would relate only to next year’s elections. We are also considering the benefits of reducing the dissolution period. This will enable the Senedd to continue to carry out its crucial role in responding to the pandemic for as long as possible. It will also enable to Llywydd to exercise her powers as close as possible to the date of voting.
The Senedd must meet for the first time within 14 days of the election and we would like to ensure that that is safeguarded. Members voted to extend this period from seven days very recently in the Senedd and Elections (Wales) Act 2020, which received Royal Assent in January. The period of 14 days is counted from the day of polling, which anticipates that counts can be held overnight. In our view, this should be amended to recognise the fact that counting could be delayed because of the social distancing requirements.
Finally, Deputy Presiding Officer, I’d like to emphasise that we are determined to do everything that we can to ensure that people can vote when the election is held. I am particularly concerned that people could be eager to vote, but may be fearful of going to a polling station on election day. Much communications work has been planned in order to encourage postal voting and to emphasise that polling stations will be safe.
The Minister for Housing and Local Government is also writing to returning officers, the Electoral Commission and the Association of Electoral Administrators in order to inform them that we are considering the establishment of early voting centres. These would be established in civic buildings in order to allow people to vote in the days prior to the election. This would provide more options and reduce the chance of queues forming in polling stations. This approach works successfully in other parts of the world and, in these unusual times, I want Wales also to have this option if that is practical. I know that this will place another responsibility on electoral teams that already have a great deal to deal with, but I do believe that we must look at all options in order to enable people to use their democratic rights in the face of coronavirus.
Many constitutional and practical considerations are entailed in what I have outlined today and I look forward to hearing the views of Members on these important issues. Thank you.
On behalf of the Welsh Conservatives, I'd also like to thank the Members of the elections planning group for their vital work on this very important matter. From the report, it is clear that there was consensus on a range of issues. Crucially, there is agreement that the elections should take place on 6 May next year. There's no reason why the elections can't take place on 6 May given that Spain, Poland, France and South Korea held some elections safely during this pandemic. In some of these areas that have held elections, virus transmission rates did not go up, but, of course, I accept that, here in Wales, we need to put measures in place to ensure that these elections are safe and secure.
Whilst there have been two UK general elections in the last few years, it will have been five years since voters were able to have their say on the Welsh Government and us as their representatives. Therefore, it's crucial that action is being taken to ensure that voting next year can go ahead safely, and I'd be grateful if the First Minister could perhaps update us in his response to this debate on the action that his officials are currently considering. It would also be useful to have detailed information on how the Government plans to implement some of the areas of consensus in the report, and how it intends to work with others to deliver some of the proposals in the report.
The report refers to encouraging people who were shielding to sign up for a postal vote, which makes absolute sense. Perhaps the First Minister can confirm in his reply when the programme will begin to encourage those that have been shielding in the past to sign up for a postal vote and who will be responsible for this, and how many people in each area may likely sign up. As the Welsh Conservatives made clear in our written evidence to the planning group, whilst we welcome some of the flexibilities in the report around postal and proxy voting, it's essential that the correct checks and balances are in place to ensure that voters and those participating in the election have confidence in the process. And so, I hope the First Minister will take the opportunity to make it clear that the Welsh Government does not endorse any plans to extend proxy voting to enable a non-family member to act as a proxy for more than two people, even if an entire household is self-isolating, so that there is no potential abuse of the system.
Of course, the second half of the report focuses on the areas where the planning group could not reach a consensus. These areas are fundamental to the running of elections and to ensure clarity to voters. Firstly, we have made it very clear that no legislation should be introduced in this place to enable the date of the election to be changed, because we believe that the election should take place on 6 May. We're all aware that voter turnout in Welsh parliamentary elections has not been higher than 46 per cent in the lifetime of this place. If we are to work as political parties to improve participation and turnout, then we need to know the rules now in order to give the people of Wales certainty going forward. That means not allowing confusion to thrive by further discussing the date of the election or to allow a last-minute change of date. By having a fixed date for the election on 6 May, we can ensure that all aspects of the election process can be as safe and secure as possible. The people of Wales need that guarantee, so I'm extremely concerned that the First Minister is now looking to introduce legislation to potentially postpone next year's elections. Welsh Government officials must not needlessly waste resources looking at legislation, but instead, focus their efforts on providing a safe and secure election process next May. As I said earlier, other countries have managed to hold elections in these challenging circumstances, so I don't see why we here in Wales cannot hold those elections next year.
Now, aside from changing the date of the election, the planning group explored options in changing the times and days that people can vote on. I'm sure the First Minister will agree with me, it's very unlikely that people will be voting at five or six in the morning or as late as 11 or 12 in the evening. There will be also be further confusion if the days that people can vote on are actually separated. I understand the desire to have the most vulnerable to COVID-19, such as the elderly and those with underlying health conditions, vote on one day and everyone else on another day, and that might help towards protecting those most susceptible to the virus, but there will also be a great impact on those participating in the election as well.
The opening up of polling stations on multiple days will also have a detrimental impact on the services being provided by local authorities, who will have to find and pay staff to manage the polling stations for an extended period of time. And there will also be questions around security of the ballots, for example, where will ballot boxes be stored overnight in-between polling days and then the count, and who will be allowed to observe the transfer of those boxes? So, I hope the First Minister will address these valid concerns by committing to ensure that polling will actually take place on 6 May between 7 a.m and 10 p.m? Dirprwy Llywydd, with that, can I again thank the members of the elections planning group for their work on this report? I look forward to working constructively with all parties on this matter over the coming weeks and coming months.
First of all, I'd like to thank the elections planning group for its work. My party was pleased to participate in that work. Despite some of the headlines around this group, it's important to bear in mind that the work of the group, and many of the recommendations in the report that's already been published focus mainly on the arrangements that should be put in place in order to ensure that the election can take place safely.
I do have to say that it's difficult to anticipate a situation where Senedd elections would have to be postponed. Elections around the world have taken place from Belarus to the Basque Country, from Serbia to Singapore, and also in the United States most recently, where we were reminded in powerful terms of the importance of free elections and the power of people to raise their voice and use their vote, as the people of the United States did in choosing a new direction through the dark days of the pandemic. Having said that, as the experience of the past few months has demonstrated to us we can't take anything for granted.
Therefore, it is reasonable that we should have the ability in Wales to respond to all scenarios that may face us, never mind how unlikely that may be now. The Ministers of Westminster already have those powers, and they were used in the case of local elections in England and in police and crime commissioner elections, which should have taken place in May of this year. And on that note, of course, it is disappointing, but not unexpected perhaps, to see that the UK Government has approached this issue in a non-compliant way, with Minister Chloe Smith writing to all returning officers whilst this planning group continued to meet—with the Conservative Party part of those discussions—to state that police and crime commissioners in Wales would proceed, come what way, without fully recognising the significance of the fact that we had planned a Welsh general election for next year, with the Police and Crime Committee's elections happening to fall on the same date because of the postponement this year. It appears that the UK Government's thinking is entirely different. Following the reluctance of the UK Government to consider any sort of change to police and crime commissioner elections, I understand that that had restricted the possible options considered by the group for introducing early-voting centres, extending the number of days where votes could take place, to facilitate voting for vulnerable groups, which is an idea that election administrators were fully supportive of. So, what's the Government's intention or the Government's view in terms of progressing this in light of the opposition of the UK Government in terms of doing the same with police and crime commissioners elections?
I would like to hear from the First Minister on the possible impact of disagreement between the UK and Welsh Governments on proxy voting. Practically, I think the people of Wales will want us to ensure as much consistency as possible between the two elections, and that it should be as easy possible for people to participate, wherever the power for the franchise lies at the end of the day. It would be very strange, for example, if a proxy could be exercised on behalf of four or five people in Senedd elections, but only for two people in the police and crime commissioner elections.
To conclude, the First Minister mentioned the possibility of legislation in January, which would extend the powers of the Llywydd to postpone the date of Senedd elections from the current month to up to six months. The Scottish Government has introduced similar legislation in the Scottish Parliament. It's appropriate that the Llywydd should continue to hold this power, representing the impartial nature of the function, but it's important that the Senedd has opportunity to fully scrutinise proposed legislation, so the sooner it's introduced to the Senedd, the better, in draft form. Scottish legislation includes provision for postal voting only in order to re-stage an election if the election in May had to be postponed. The report of the group in Wales didn't recommend this, so can the First Minister confirm whether similar provisions will appear in the Welsh Government's draft legislation? I would agree with the suggestion that a two-thirds majority should be required to pass any change, safeguarding the principle that there should be broad-ranging support beyond the party of Government in making any changes to electoral arrangements.
I find myself in a rather curious situation of agreeing with elements of what the First Minister said, but also the leader of Plaid Cymru and the leader of the Conservatives; I think there were some strong points made in all of those opening remarks. I hope that we will be able to find an agreed way forward on this. I don't believe this should be a matter for partisan debate. I think this should be putting our democracy ahead of all other considerations. I hope there is also—and I believe there is—a quiet majority in this place to ensure that we have elections every four years, and not every five years. I've never supported the move to five years, and I hope that before dissolution, we will have the opportunity, Deputy Presiding Officer, to debate this wider matter as well.
I have heard no persuasive argument that we need the powers to delay an election for up to six months. My view is that the election simply must take place in May. This place has sat for too long. It has outlived what I believe should be its term and its mandate. We need an election and the people of Wales have a right to that election, and we should not be seeking different ways of that election not taking place at the proper time. I do not believe it is credible for anyone to argue that we can visit a crowded supermarket or even have a meal in a pub, but that we are unable to visit a polling station. I do not believe that the people of Wales will accept that argument.
So, we need to look for ways in which this election can take place in a safe and proper manner, and this is where I do take issue with the leader of the opposition, because I do believe there are means and methods for that to happen. I've long believed that the tradition of holding elections on a Thursday is an anachronism that we should look beyond. For me, I would prefer elections to take place, for example, on a weekend, on Saturday and Sunday, to enable people to vote in a way that doesn't feel pressured around work and other family responsibilities, and I believe that we can do that.
I do not share the concerns of the leader of the opposition, but I do recognise his concerns, about the security of the ballot box. We already do, of course, allow voting to take place over a number of weeks with postal votes, and the security of that has never been brought into consideration. And so, I do believe there are means and mechanisms we can use to protect the security of the ballot, and I would like to see voting taking place over a number of days, if that is needed.
I would also like to see—and this is where I agree with the leader of Plaid Cymru—legislation that would enable an all-postal election to take place, if that is required. Now, I recognise that there are some very practical issues with that, and some very practical hurdles, but I do not believe that they are insurmountable. We have seen, in recent weeks, how the advent of a greater number of postal votes has driven turnout in the United States of America, and despite the efforts of Donald Trump and Darren Millar, the election is considered to be one of the most secure elections that's been held in that country's history. So, I do believe that we need to look at ways of doing this.
The final point I'd like to make is that not only do we require a safe election, but we require a clean election. Although this has not been discussed by the election planning group, I am significantly concerned—and I've just debated and discussed this matter with the First Minister in private—about the manipulation of data, the use and misuse of social media, and the dark money that is sometimes used in election campaigns. I do not believe that the way we regulate our elections in Wales and the United Kingdom is secure and provides for the regulation that should be required in a democracy. We're seen a report in today's Western Mail about a rather sleazy organisation called the Centre for Welsh Studies, which is using data in all sorts of different ways. Now, I don't know what is happening there, but I know enough to know that I am deeply, deeply uncomfortable with where we are. So, we need a safe, secure election, but we also need a clean election. But we must have an election. That election must come. This place must be dissolved, and the people must have their say.
Alun Davies made some sensible points about the security of the ballot, but then went into the wider reaches of conspiracy around data and dark money and elections not being under control. Unless he knows the Centre for Welsh Studies and exactly what they're doing with the data, then 'dark forces are risking our democracy'—they're not my accounts. It is frankly ludicrous for the Member to trade in such conspiracies. The election will be secure. There is a consensus around our election systems, and I think that's something that should be supported. I would also like to thank the members of the committee or panel that was working with the First Minister on these issues. I think it came up with a number of sensible ideas to support turnout and a safe election amidst COVID. Some of those are difficult to implement without co-ordination with the UK Government because, of course, we have the police and crime commissioner elections scheduled for the same day. Adam Price said that the UK Government could delay elections—yes, in terms of the police and crime commissioner elections, but of course the House of Commons is constrained by the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 in terms of the five-year term there.
I would like to say I was grateful to the First Minister for the way that he consulted openly around this process and for the time he gave me to discuss these matters with him. I don't consider that he is doing this or proposing potentially to take powers from a partisan perspective, and I make no such suggestion. But the election should go ahead on 6 May next year; it will be five years since the last election.
Now, we had devolution described by the Prime Minister as a disaster, yet these powers to set our own parliamentary term, just have a vote here on the proposal of the Welsh Government or the Llywydd or a 50 per cent or two-thirds majority, whatever we decide—we just extend our own term—was that envisaged when devolution began? Was Boris asleep at the wheel when he was Foreign Secretary and the Wales Act 2017 was agreed? If you don't want to see this term extended and these powers used in this way, why on earth did you devolve them?
I think it is wrong that we should take or use those powers, whatever the precise mechanism. And a two-thirds majority, I guess, is better than not having a two-thirds majority, but, last time, that two-thirds majority, when we renamed this institution, was obtained through the Llywydd and the Deputy Llywydd voting, in my view—well, I note what the Standing Orders say in terms of impartiality, but what happened then. Is it envisaged again that the Llywydd and Deputy Llywydd may again join with Labour and Plaid to give this majority of two thirds? There should be an election on 6 May. There should not be legislation to delay it. It is wrong; we should not do it.
I'll just begin with agreeing with Mark Reckless there that there should, indeed, be an election on 6 May. I think, in many ways, we're all agreed with that. The problem is that it's—what was that phrase by Donald Rumsfeld—the known unknowns and the unknown unknowns as well. We realise that we could be in a situation here where something makes it impossible to hold that election on 6 May. I want it to go ahead; I think everybody here in the Senedd wants that election to go ahead.
I agree with Alun's point, which is that we're at that point where there needs to be a refresh, a renewal and a democratic mandate for a new Welsh Senedd—absolutely right. But I do think we need also to have that belt-and-braces option in the background in case we are in the position where we literally cannot do it safely. Now, I don't anticipate that that will happen. I think there are ways to do this safely and it's been remarked upon already that there are other countries that have been able to do this, even in the midst of the COVID pandemic. But I think, given that option, albeit that it has to be an utter last resort when everything else is exhausted, when it simply cannot be done safely, I think it's probably the sensible thing to do, because wouldn't it be ridiculous to get to that point and find that we haven't given ourselves the tools to take that option if a Senedd supermajority so determined?
But I just want to thank the members of the elections planning group, including the political leaders who engaged with us, because I think it has come forward with a pragmatic set of proposals, most of which I agree with—some, I'd probably suggest, could go a little bit forward. I'm glad, in a pragmatic way, they've looked at giving greater flexibility around applying for postal and proxy voting, whilst putting the safeguards in place. I think that's a sensible way forward to make sure that we can indeed deliver that election on 6 May.
I'm glad, but I'd be interested in the timescale for this, that they're going to look at promoting postal voting in order to take some of the weight off the actual polling day—or polling days, as we now understand—so that, particularly, people with vulnerable health conditions or of a certain age will not have to, if they're worried, march down to a polling station, they can, indeed, vote by post. But I would be interested, as others have said, in when that's going to happen and when that push to persuade people that that is a viable option is going to happen.
But I'd like to touch on a couple of things that the First Minister picked up on. It was interesting that you've touched on, First Minister, the fact that you may look at additional polling days in advance of the actual date of the election. Curiously, I was going to argue, as I've traditionally argued, that we should, as Alun Davies would say, actually look at not doing it simply on one day but on two or three days that would be more convenient for people. Democracy, I think, nowadays, okay it has to be a—it's not just a right, it's a responsibility, but people should be given the options of being able to do this easily, particularly in the middle of COVID. But you've suggested there that you will give additional days in advance of the election date. I think that is really sensible and pragmatic. It does mean that people can make a choice, in order to make this election happen on the date we've already decided and not go for an extension, that they could go in earlier and avoid the fears they might have of standing in a queue or risking their health in any way. So, I think that's really sensible indeed.
The part I'd agree with Alun on is—I am curious as to why we've jettisoned entirely the idea of going even further on the postal votes themselves. Because if we are in a situation where the choice is between actually delaying an election for six months or having actually having gone for encouraging people to sign up en masse to postal voting, I know which one I'd prefer. It's on the basis that we should be carrying this election out on the day we've decided that I'd be pushing even further for more postal voting in advance. But, failing that, I think the backstop is the right one—the backstop of having to come back to the Senedd. What I would ask in that situation, First Minister, is whether, then, a date needs to be put to the Senedd, because it's up to six months. My preference would be it should be the shortest term possible, based on the medical and scientific advice available at that time, based on projections, but that a date would actually be put to the Senedd within that proposal from the Llywydd, if it was to be put.
But, in closing, let me just thank those who've brought this together. This is a difficult one, because it's right that we have to renew our democratic mandate. It's absolutely right that we try and aim for 6 May. Where I would depart from Mark Reckless and also from the Conservative spokesman earlier on, is saying I think we also need to take a backstop here, because we may find ourselves in a position that we cannot actually run the election on 6 May. I don't think it's probable at the moment, but it's possible, and, as such, we need to have a pragmatic step in place that would allow us to get beyond, if necessary. Thanks very much, Dirprwy Lywydd.
Thank you. I have no people who want to intervene, and therefore I will call the First Minister to respond to the debate—Mark Drakeford.
Sorry, Llywydd, the mute wasn't willing to disengage. So, thank you very much to all those who've taken part in the debate. My starting point is the one that I set out in my opening remarks: I want an election on 6 May. I think that is the right thing to do. I think the Senedd badly needs a democratic refresh. I think it is right for people in Wales to be able to choose the representatives they want for the years ahead and to do it in accordance with the normal timetable. That is very much my starting point.
If we are to hold elections in May next year, we will still be holding them under the shadow of coronavirus. It will not have gone away, it will still be playing a very significant role in everybody's life, and that is why we propose to amend the rules for an election in May to give people further opportunities to participate and to exercise their democratic rights, whether that is through postal voting or proxy voting, or through having extended days in which voting can take place. It simply isn't good enough for the leader of the opposition to argue for an election in May of next year and then to ignore the conditions under which it will be held. I couldn't believe the weakness of his argument against extended days of voting. If we have to give up a badminton court for a couple of days in order to allow people in Wales to vote safely, I don't think that is a price that we should shy away from. These things are completely practical in that way.
We know that there are people in Wales who fear for their own health because of coronavirus. I hope they will use a postal vote, but, for some people, going to the polling station and casting your vote in person is a very important part of their contribution to democracy, and I want them to be able to do that in May of next year free of the fear that they may put themselves at risk by doing so, and extended days of being able to vote simply offer people those options to go at quieter times, not to feel that they will be queueing up with lots of other people. It's a very simple—. I think it was probably Huw Irranca-Davies who said it was just a pragmatic extension to making sure that such an election can be conducted safely.
I don't share the leader of the opposition's concerns about extended proxy voting, but he echoes, we know, that voter-suppression theme that his party has adopted from their friends over in America. I am determined that, in holding an election in May of next year, we will do everything we can to make sure that every single Welsh citizen who wishes to participate can do so and can exercise their democratic rights, and that is the side of the argument that the Welsh Government will weigh in on.
Of course, the Welsh Government doesn't run the elections, nor should we. Elections are run by returning officers in the different local authorities, and a number of the questions that have been asked during the debate are not for me. It would be quite improper if they were for me. They are for the people who are responsible, who are not members of any political party and have no interest of that sort in an election, to make those practical decisions. Part of the reason for setting up a group that combined political parties with election administrators is to make sure that those who, in the end, have to conduct our elections do so informed by the views of those of us who take part in the practical business of democracy.
The biggest difference in the discussion is whether or not we need to take the precaution of bringing a Bill before the Senedd, against the maybe remote, but impossible to ignore possibility that circumstances in May of next year may be so difficult that it would not be possible to run a safely and democratically open election. Again, the leader of the opposition says he can see no reason why it couldn't take place, yet his Government, earlier this year, saw every reason why elections for English local authorities, mayors, police and crime commissioners had to be postponed.
All we are saying is that the Senedd should have the same fallback arrangement against the day that it might be necessary. We are barely two weeks out of the firebreak period we had here in Wales, where people were enjoined to stay at home and not to leave their homes other than for a very limited number of reasons. Is it possible for anybody in this Senedd to be so completely confident that they know the course of coronavirus over the months ahead that they can say to us without any doubt at all that we may not face those sorts of difficulties again next year? I absolutely hope that we do not, I absolutely want an election on 6 May, but it would not be responsible—it would simply not be responsible not to come to the Senedd with proposals that would allow our election to take place in a safe way, in an orderly way, and with the best possible chance that people in Wales will feel able to take part in it. Adam Price said we can't take anything for granted, and I just agree with that. I think it is a sensible, responsible precaution to take. We are building safeguards into it, as I suggested in my opening remarks. The Llywydd would have to bring forward proposals, they'd have to secure a two-thirds majority on the floor of the Senedd, and all Members would have an opportunity to have their say at the time, were those circumstances to pertain.
Finally, Llywydd, a number of Members have raised the issue of an all-postal election. It wasn't raised by any political party during the group's considerations, as far as I know. There's certainly nothing about it in the group's report, so it's not a matter where I can advise the Senedd because it hasn't, as far as I know, been considered by the group that was established to give thought to this. I do know that not everybody is willing to vote by post, and, while all-postal elections may have some attractions, I don't think we should make an easy assumption that they are all pluses and no minuses. Certainly I would want to see the advice of returning officers and those people who would have to make a practical reality of that ambition before advising Members here of them.
In the meantime, Members are asked to note the report of the group, and I echo the thanks that others have given both to the representatives of political parties, but particularly to those who are responsible for the safe and proper conduct of elections, for the advice that they are giving to us. We will, I'm sure, return to this issue over the months ahead.
Thank you. The proposal is to agree the motion. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Object, therefore we defer voting under this item until voting time.
In accordance with Standing Order 12.18, I will suspend the meeting now before proceeding to voting time, and IT support will be on hand to help with any issues during this time.