Well, the rather sour and dystopian speeches that we heard earlier on in this debate, from the First Minister and from the leader of Plaid Cymru, confirm them as the enemies of democracy, because neither of them has actually ever accepted the result of the referendum in 2016, when the people of Wales, as well as the people of the United Kingdom, voted to leave the EU. And they've done everything they possibly could, in the four and a half years since then, to try to sabotage the entire process and to reverse the result, without another referendum, indeed, is the ultimate position to which they have come.

And Dawn Bowden made the important point, although she didn't seem to understand it, that sovereignty is what this is all about. That is the whole point; that's what the people voted for in 2016—to restore Britain's sovereign independence as a nation. And here we have, in the Welsh Parliament, the rather bizarre position of a so-called nationalist party—the Welsh nationalist party—that doesn't actually believe in the political independence of Wales,  because they would much rather see Wales governed from Brussels by people that we don't elect, can't dismiss and, for the most part, can't even name. Whereas now, as a result of this deal taking us further along the road to the recovery of our national independence as the United Kingdom, we will be able to throw out those who make our laws if we don't like what they've done, and that is, I think, the most fundamental question of all in a democracy. And, whilst this deal is far from perfect, it is an important building block along the way to the achievement of that objective. 

I'm amazed at the faint-heartedness of those who oppose this whole process as though, somehow, the British people are incapable of making a success of themselves in the world. It's true that it was a failure of national self-confidence that provided the background to our going into the European Economic Community nearly 50 years ago, because, in those days, Britain was a byword for industrial strife and economic decline, and, as the American Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, famously said, 

'Great Britain has lost an empire and has not yet found a role.' 

And I believe it's that attitude that has fundamentally undermined the whole generations through which I have grown up. Now, we have the opportunity to make a new start, to put behind us the arguments that we've had over the last 50 years and strike out into the world, take advantage of the 85 per cent of the global economy that is not in the European Union. The European Union is a declining force in the world, relative to the rest of it. Eighty-five per cent of the GDP of the world, as I've said, is not in Europe, and that proportion is going to increase in the years ahead. The great challenges are countries like India and China, and there are not just challenges there, but opportunities as well. Now we'll be able to take advantage of them fully by entering into trade agreements, which we've been unable to do for the last 50 years because that is something that the EU has done for us—for good or for ill. 

So, this deal, as I've said, isn't perfect by any means. It is, therefore, unfinished business. There are good things in the deal, of course. Taking us out of the palsied grip of the European Court of Justice on the one hand is, of course, quite unambiguously a restoration of legal sovereignty. There are clauses in the deal that we need to, I think, concern ourselves about. The proposals for non-regression and rebalancing—technical terms that basically require us, if we diverge from the standards of regulation that the EU adopts, to consider whether there might be trade or investment impacts that might lead to some kind of retaliatory action—in those areas, I think that it's likely that the UK Government will not be bold enough to take advantage of the opportunities that our new freedoms give us. Divergence is what it's all about for me, the opportunity to be nimbler in the world, to be more competitive with the rest of the world than we would be inside the EU. These are the opportunities that we need to grasp and see them in a positive light.

One of the major flaws in this deal, of course, is fishing, as has been pointed out by others in the debate. British fishing was sacrificed 50 years ago because the EU—or the EEC as it then was—cobbled together the common fisheries policy in the last few weeks before we entered into the community, and we had no voice in that or part to play in the design of the system that has devastated the British fishing industry and our coastal communities in the half century since. At the moment we're only allowed—