1. Debate: The End of the Transition Period

Part of the debate – in the Senedd at 11:43 am on 30 December 2020.

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Photo of Mark Reckless Mark Reckless Conservative 11:43, 30 December 2020

The First Minister told us how awful this deal was, just as he told us how awful the three varieties of Theresa May's deal were, and just as he tells us how awful no deal would be. As far as he's concerned, the only deal that he could support is continued EU membership, and rather than supporting the democratic decision that Wales as well as the UK had taken, he instead decided with his Government and this institution to represent only the minority who had voted to remain. Now, of course, from the perspective of representing Abolish, I welcome that that has so helped put devolution into question, because this institution has tried to block Brexit and the democratic will of the British people. Thankfully, it has been defeated.

For my own part, this deal is pretty much bang on where I would like to be in terms of how close the continuing relationship with the European Union is. I prefer it to no deal, including for reasons that some others have gone through. I certainly prefer it to an EEA-type arrangement or to a Theresa May-type arrangement, which would have kept us far closer to the European Union. Again, I would like to thank my opponents, particularly the First Minister, in the Labour Party for everything they have done to bring this deal about. They could have chosen instead a Theresa May-type deal, they could, perhaps, have pushed for something and got something closer, more like the EEA. They chose not to and to gamble on trying to block Brexit. Thank you for that, because of what this has brought to us: a deal that restores our country's independence. I'd also like to thank, in that vein, the 28 so-called spartan Conservative MPs who held out even against Theresa May's third deal. I'd like to thank Boris. I'd like to thank Lord Frost for his tireless negotiations, as well as two DCs: Dominic Cummings, for everything he did to keep this on track, and in particular preventing an extension; and David Cameron, who gave us the referendum in the first place, for which I will be forever grateful, as I know many others will be.

This deal removed the ECJ wholly from jurisdiction in our country. I think that's amazing—wonderful outcome. It also ends the European arrest warrant, which I think is a very, very good thing to have happened, and I think the replacement arrangements are very, very sensible and represent a good balance. And, of course, it takes us out of the single market. Instead, we have a free trade deal, which is what I want, and I think it's very good we have the most liberal rules of origin ever negotiated, as far as I can see. They include full cumulation, as well as a helpful carve-out for the auto sector, particularly as reflects electric batteries. I think that's very, very, very good. The areas—. I'm disappointed, of course, that fishing is less good than I would have liked, and of course what's happened to Northern Ireland. But that, I'm afraid, reflects the sequencing of negotiations with the European Union that Theresa May agreed and that Labour supported. We should have instead, at the end, been trading off money in return for what we wanted, rather than having already given away much of the powers we should have for Northern Ireland and then making the arrangements we have on fishing.

Nonetheless, on fishing, if it takes until 2026, we will then be able to take back all, much, of the three quarters of what EU continues to fish in our waters, and I think we'll have good cards to do that, because the only three areas the EU can retaliate are these arrangements on the batteries rules of origin, and I think they'll be phased out, the benefit, in any event. I don't think retaliation across the energy field, where massive supplies of electricity are then sent to us, would be credible. So, that would only leave France and Spain to argue that their consumers should have to pay taxes to the European Commission as punishment for us if we shut them out of our waters. We would then be in the same position as Iceland and Norway in terms of paying those tariffs. So, I think it's much more likely we'll get a negotiation much to our advantage because of the way that's been structured.

Finally, I think opponents of this are just left with their forecast that the economy is going to go to hell in a handbasket, and of course, what if it doesn't? I think it's much more probable that our country will outperform the European Union, going forward, and I think, particularly in the near term—I like free trade, I prefer to have fewer barriers and fewer non-tariff barriers—to the extent we have a massive trade deficit with the EU, if you make that trade harder, if you throw some sand in the wheels, then that will encourage, at least in the near term, substantial import substitution, and what that will mean is a boost to aggregate demand in the UK at a time when demand across Europe is weak. So, I'm optimistic for our economy. I support this deal because it ensures that we trade with Europe but govern ourselves, and once again are more than a star on somebody else's flag.