Well, because it's not only me saying them, Darren. In fact, it's not me—if it was me, I'd dismiss it entirely out of hand; I'm just the Member of Senedd for Ogmore. But, actually, the Equality and Human Rights Commission itself have looked at it, and they haven't said complete opposition, but what they have said is—and this is a quote from them; you've had this as well—there is no compelling case for reform of the Act. It's working well. Its provisions maintain a high degree of parliamentary sovereignty. Instead, the UK Government's focus, they say, should be on improving public understanding of human rights and the HRA, strengthening access to justice and for human rights breaches, and improving human rights practice. They go on to say that any substantial change to the HRA should be the product—including the devolved administrations—of an inclusive and in-depth consultation. They go on further to say that it should reflect the views and needs of all interested groups, including disabled people and so on. And it flags up—the Equality and Human Rights Commission flags up, not me, Darren, not me—that changes to the Act risk having significant implications for devolution settlements across the UK, as it forms a core pillar of each.

But even now, we turn to the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, which has now Royal Assent; it is now law. Now, they also raise, Darren, their significant concerns about that, which they've raised all the way through the process, the amendments that were ignored by the UK Government, with every voice turned against them, but they went ahead with it. It's now on the statute book. I honestly wonder, Darren, would the Greenham Common protesters have been able to continue in the way that they did? Would other protest groups be able to do it? So, that's why it's not me but it's other informed observers. And of course, within this Senedd as well, we have had multiple rehearsals of the argument about the impact of this on minority groups, including Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities—their right to assemble and so on. So, all of these things, Darren, mean that it's not me actually raising this; it is others, who are very well informed.

Let me just turn to one other, then, to try and answer your question. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, in terms of the third piece that I want to turn to of this particular jigsaw, the Nationality and Borders Act, the UNHCR itself, has said that this Act undermines the refugee convention that the UK helped to draft itself in the wake of the second world war. So, it's not me, Darren, raising these concerns.

So, I am very interested, Counsel General, in the fact that you've laid out not just an ambition now to go further here in Wales, but to really embed deeply within the way that we do this in Wales and protect human rights, in what may well be a diminishing—. And I say this, Darren, quite honestly: Governments should be rightly fearful of the human rights legislation and the principles that underpin it. It should make them tremble because of its ability to put power in the hands of others who would otherwise be powerless.

We should not in any way seek to weaken in this in any way, and I welcome the approach of the Welsh Government in saying that we will strengthen it. We will make sure that it bites in Wales, regardless of what is happening across other parts of the UK.