I’ll avoid an attempt to enter into a debate on economics; I’ll wait for the next economy debate in order to give in to that temptation. But as a UK Government Minister said last week, we’ll have an immigration system

‘that suits the UK, not slamming the door—but welcoming the talent we need, from the EU and around the world. Of course we will make sure that business gets the skills it needs, but business will no longer be able to use immigration as an excuse not to invest in the young people of this country.’

And they’ve said that they’ll be setting out their initial proposals for a new immigration system in the autumn of this year.

Given, as I referred earlier that confirmation by the Wales Office that there’s been a significant amount of engagement with officials in Welsh Government and officials in the UK Government—and I stress UK Government and not just the Wales Office—over the summer, as to what, other than this paper, has been subject to discussions, what developments, if any, have resulted thus far from that?

Like you, we support action to ensure payment of the minimum wage and to enforce legislation to tackle exploitation of employees wherever they come from. Much of that, clearly, is non-devolved but there’s much that might fall within areas of devolved responsibility, not least intelligence gathering. What role, or greater role, whatever the outcome of the future model of immigration adopted may be, do you feel the Welsh Government might play in taking that forward?

This statement, clearly, is around migration, not about the entirely separate issue of refugees and asylum seekers in Wales, as I know you strongly understand and believe. Will you make a clear statement, for public understanding, that that is the case and that we all support Wales becoming a nation of sanctuary—a separate matter from the issues of migration being discussed today?

You state that your proposal links migration to work and supports your ambition for full and unfettered access to the single market. However, as the Prime Minister said in January, this would, to all intents and purposes, mean not leaving the EU at all, which is why both sides in the referendum campaign made it clear that a vote to leave the EU would be a vote to leave the single market. She said:

‘Instead, we seek the greatest possible access to it through a new, comprehensive, bold and ambitious free trade agreement’.

How, therefore, do you respond to the statements last week by the Labour mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, that Labour risks losing touch with northern Brexit voters if the party fails to crack down on freedom of movement and risks an angry backlash from northern ‘leave’ voters who may feel ignored? Although he supported ‘remain’ in the referendum, he said he was worried about Labour’s proposals to stay in the single market, stating this would almost certainly stop us controlling immigration policy. He said this would become very divisive if it looks like there’s backlash from the establishment, to almost deny the referendum result and warn against a London-centric Brexit. So, do you believe, like I do, that Wales should stand with northerners or with Londoners? Although, clearly, I have great affection for both.

You state that the UK Government could’ve provided a unilateral guarantee of rights for such EU citizens in the UK and it lamentedly failed to do so. In fact, only last Thursday, for example, UK finance Minister Philip Hammond said that Britain is very close to reaching an agreement with the EU on how to protect the rights of EU citizens in the UK and UK citizens in the EU after it leaves the bloc. Negotiations are maybe on a four-weekly cycle, but discussion and dialogue is continuous, and fortunately the positions taken by both sides are moving towards agreement on a resolution within the so-called divorce settlement.

We share with you the recognition of the need to preserve the common travel area with the Republic of Ireland and the rest of the British isles, and welcome the commitments of the UK Government and the EU that the common travel area should be preserved. You say you’ve pressed for a full and fair Welsh migration quota, where you could determine your priorities for migration to Wales. Is this not completely unworkable without installing border controls at, metaphorically, Offa’s Dyke? And finally, noting of course that Schengen in the context of Ireland means there is—. Ireland and UK exclusion by choice from Schengen means that there is an external border from Ireland, if that’s what you might be saying, but internally within the UK, quotas would be impossible to enforce.

And finally, given that Wales has the lowest employment rate in Britain, and the latest figures showing an increase of 18,000 in economic inactivity to 460,000, meaning that 525,000 working-age people in Wales are currently unemployed, many of whom want to work but are facing cultural and physical barriers, after 18 years, what can the Welsh Government do differently to tackle those high levels of economic inactivity and help those people remove the barriers to work so that the skills and strengths they have to offer can also help contribute to filling the skills gap?