I lose count of how many times warnings have been sounded in this Chamber about the real uncertainties that face us from any kind of Brexit, and the huge risks that are in front of us should there be a very hard or even a 'no deal' departure from the European Union. It's important that we remember the context in which this debate takes place today and what is happening down the M4 in the Houses of Parliament, and we should always strive, however unlikely it feels at times, to hope that our message and our concerns here in this national Parliament of ours are heard by those making decisions in Westminster and in Whitehall.

It's no secret that I was among the half of the population that wished to remain in the European Union. It is no secret that I am a proud supporter of the value of membership of the European Union to Wales—the value to a small nation of being a part of European networks. I want Wales, as you know, to be an independent nation within wider networks: the European Union a new British union, perhaps, a Celtic union—who knows? So, any departure to me was against the Welsh national interest. And we, I regret—and I take my part of the blame for it—failed to emphasise that enough in what was, in effect, a very English referendum, rather than a British one. Scotland and Northern Ireland, I think, tell us that, and I have little doubt that now we would have a different result in Wales now that we have had time to discuss the specifically Welsh implications. But the referendum took place nearly three years ago. 

But now to be in a position where we are facing the most damaging Brexit possible is to be in a position where everyone will bear the brunt, wherever they are in the UK, although I fear that Wales would be amongst the hardest hit. Pseudo-British imperialists will revel no doubt in a perverse pursuit of splendid isolation, where real isolation is one which can only limit opportunities for the impoverished, for the enterprising, for the young, for business, for agriculture, for our public services, for tolerance, for international co-operation—the list is far longer than the Llywydd would allow me to run through comprehensively time wise. 

But today we note three reports sounding more warnings—three reports by the external affairs committee. The Chair has already eloquently reminded us of some of the warnings that committee sounded on the effects of Brexit on ports, on health, and on the food and drink sector in Wales. The Government has accepted the many recommendations made for preparatory work needed, and I'm pleased they have been accepted. But, of course, preparation simply cannot be done adequately, not even given all the time in the world, let along the eight weeks that we have left, to put us in a position where we could look forward, realistically, to being on an equal footing post hard or 'no deal' Brexit as we are on now.

We are dealing today, of course, with the legacy of decisions taken following that referendum in 2016, namely the decision to trigger article 50 so quickly, setting a date for departing from the European Union—a date with destiny without a clue about what destiny we were really even seeking. And I'm very proud that my Plaid Cymru colleagues in Westminster voted against the triggering of article 50 then, and perhaps history can judge if Labour and the Conservatives were right to hurry, as happened, to trigger that. But, it's clear to me and my colleagues—we want that date put back. I want article 50 delayed, to buy time, perhaps to seek a less damaging Brexit, perhaps taking into account some of the warnings that have been sounded again in these three reports by this Assembly committee. But it would be time even better spent, in our opinion, to ask the people again if this is what they, and people like my eldest daughter—a passionate European who has become eligible to vote since that referendum—still really want.