The following amendment has been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth.

We now move on to item 6 on today’s agenda, which is the Welsh Conservatives debate on Welsh Government’s performance. I call on Andrew R.T. Davies to move that motion.

Motion NDM6257 Paul Davies

To propose that the National Assembly for Wales:

Believes that the Welsh Labour-led Government is failing the people of Wales.

Motion moved.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer, and I formally move the motion in the name of Paul Davies on the order paper today, which took a huge amount of thought process and literacy to put together, which simply states:

‘Believes that the Welsh Labour-led Government is failing the people of Wales.’

I understand the leader of the house is responding on behalf of the Government. We will not, unsurprisingly, be accepting the Plaid Cymru amendment that has been tagged onto our motion. That was a very difficult one to weigh up as well, and we spent a long time in group. But I do hope that Plaid Cymru do reflect, because, given that the language that has come from Plaid Cymru over recent days and weeks, there does seem to be an element of unhappiness with Plaid Cymru, and not necessarily getting the best of both worlds, as their leader stated at their conference, certainly seems to be the order of the day at the moment in their arrangements with the current Welsh Labour Government.

It would be a shame if the opposition parties couldn’t coalesce around this motion this afternoon to vote on what is before us. Because it is a fact the Welsh Labour Government won the election back last May. This motion isn’t trying to seek to deny that, and the Government came together and formed, obviously, after that election. But most Governments, when they come into being, have an energy about themselves, especially in the first year, the first 18 months, when they set a trail and blaze that trail to show that they have energy and they want to make the change and the reforms that are so desperately required, especially in the environment that we find ourselves in today and as we go forward in the years ahead.

It is interesting, watching the Government, how it does work over the last couple of months—or not, as the case may be. There is the issue over whether you can hold collective responsibility of the Government. It is interesting to see the Cabinet Secretary for Education, who’s just walked in now. It is interesting to reflect on the one major European vote that was held some three weeks ago, where the education Secretary was unable to support the Government line in opposing the Plaid Cymru amendment that was tabled that day. I think most people would find that rather bizarre, to say the least, when you think of collective responsibility. Then we saw, over the weekend, the Lib Dems conference where, outside of this Chamber, you were going to be opposing the Government’s intention to legislate on the right to buy. Yet, as I understand it, the Cabinet Secretary has indicated that she will be exercising collective responsibility and voting to outlaw the right to buy here in Wales, which I’ll deal with later on in my speech.

I think that that’s a real shame, that, looking at these early weeks and early months, the Government has had so much difficulty in trying to co-ordinate itself, and, in particular, with Plaid Cymru. They say they have the best of both worlds, but, just before Christmas, we had the spectacle of Adam Price, who’s left the Chamber, throwing his papers in the air in complete despair after we’d just had the economy Secretary making his leadership speech—or, sorry, his speech at Cardiff Airport about economic infrastructure developments—when they hadn’t been consulted at all on what was in that speech. That really does pose the question: exactly how is this Government working, and exactly how are they going to deal with some of the real challenges that need serious thought and positive answers coming from the Government of the day? Regrettably, we just don’t see that happening and we don’t see it coming from the Government that was formed after May.

This wonderful document that was put together that outlines five years’ worth of work—five years. I’ve been doing my best to try and think what on earth I can do with it: it’s not even wide enough to prop up or hold a door shut or open a door, whichever way you wanted to use it. I’m still trying to think of ideas for what can be done with it, although it may be, as we have the Record of Proceedings, it most probably isn’t the best place to suggest what to do with this document. Because it is so broad in nature that, really, it doesn’t justify being called a programme for government at all, in fairness. For five years’ worth of work, we get 15 pages’ worth of—well, nothing, if I’m honest with you. I do hope that the leader of the house will actually be more positive in her response and actually offer us some solutions that this document clearly doesn’t offer us in—

Will you take an intervention?

[Continues.]—its programme for government. I’ll gladly take the intervention.

Thank you for taking the intervention. Perhaps I can give you some advice: use it for your next manifesto. It works.

Well, I question whether it does work, actually, because—. That leads me very nicely into the problems, the deep-seated problems, that the people of Wales do face. I do see the Deputy Minister for skills congratulating you on such a wonderful intervention. [Laughter.] If that passes for congratulations, why are one in seven people in Wales on a waiting list? Why is this Government failing to tackle one of the huge obstacles that have been around the neck of the NHS here in Wales for 17 years, which is tackling the waiting lists that have grown over the years?

It’s not the UK Government—I can hear, from a sedentary position, the Member for Aberavon say it’s the UK Government. If you actually look at treatment times here for cataracts, for example, in England, you will be seen within 58 days; here, it’s 107 days. Upper digestive tracts, 21 days; 32 days in Wales. Heart operations, 40 days; 48 days in Wales. Hip operations—which the Member for Aberconwy will know shortly about, because her husband is going in shortly to have his hip done—in England, 76 days for treatment; 226 days people wait in Wales to have that treatment done. On diagnosis, heart disease—38 days in England; 46 days here in Wales. On a hernia, 43 days in England; 120 days in Wales. Those are the facts. They’re not my facts; they’re the Nuffield Trust’s facts, which were done in their recent report. So, the Member for Aberavon says about it being a successful manifesto. I have seen nothing over the first 12 months of this term to show that this Government is getting on top of waiting lists.

And when you look at recruitment into the NHS in Wales, we are told that we have to wait for the new recruitment campaign that this Welsh Government has brought forward, while GP surgeries the length and breadth of Wales are shutting. We had a recruitment campaign back in 2011 from the then health Minister in this Assembly, and that didn’t exactly work very well, did it, when you see GP surgery and consultant posts going vacant the length and breadth of Wales. As I said, I’m not disputing the fact that it’s the right of the Labour Party to have the Government here; you won the election. I recognise that. But you should have the energy. You should have the appetite to deal with these deep-seated problems, and you don’t. When you look at our health boards, four of the six health boards are in some form of special measures here in Wales, and I appreciate there are health concerns across the whole of the United Kingdom, but there’s nowhere with those type of figures where four out of six—you’ve only got six health boards—are in special measures in some shape or form.

In education, you look at the PISA rankings that came out before Christmas. We had a First Minister who, when he came into position in 2009, quite rightly marked out education as being his chief policy priority, wanting to develop improvements across the board in education. He was going to invest to improve the outcomes for children in Wales. And what do the PISA rankings tell us? We’re going backwards in education here in Wales, and that cannot be a position that, after six or seven years of leadership, gives anyone any confidence at all, let alone in this Chamber, but outside of this Chamber. Spend per school is still horrendously in deficit when it’s compared to other parts of the United Kingdom, as the education committee heard only recently from the teaching unions, where Rex Phillips gave us the figures of £607 being the difference in a secondary school in Wales to a secondary school in England—£607 more is spent in a secondary school, per pupil, in England than in Wales. [Interruption.] I’ll gladly take that answer.

Do you know why? Have you considered that perhaps one of the reasons is that capital expenditure in Wales by local authorities is held separately, whereas in England, in academies, it’s held by the academies?

That doesn’t account for it, Mike. What I do know is that in the figures that were given to us at the start of devolution, that gap was £32. It’s now £607. That’s happened on your watch—the Labour Party’s watch—and this Government is not giving us any confidence that it is dealing with that particular issue. When you look at teacher numbers, a vital component of any successful education system, again, the evidence shows that there are less teachers in the classrooms in Wales, and there are over 3,500 teachers registered to be in the profession—[Interruption.] Fewer teachers. I will be corrected grammatically by my peers.

When it comes to the economy, when we look at the business rates fiasco: we were told in the Labour manifesto that there was going to be a new business rate regime brought forward that would unshackle businesses from the business rate revaluation that was coming around the corner. And what have we had? We’ve had business upon business lobbying Member upon Member to say that their livelihoods and their futures were being threatened. When you look at the general take-home pay conditions here in Wales, nearly £100 less a week is in the average pay packet in Wales, as opposed to other parts of the United Kingdom. We have the lowest take-home pay anywhere in the United Kingdom. How does that give us confidence that this Government is dealing with these deep-seated issues and deep-seated problems? And when we look at the way the infrastructure developments are processed via the Welsh Government, as we heard in the previous debate, it just seems that it’s pork barrel politics when it comes to the Llandeilo bypass, as part of a budget deal, when there’s a village just down the road from here, Dinas Powys, which is the largest village in Wales, and has been calling out for a bypass for the last 50 years, and doesn’t even get a look-in on having a bypass. [Interruption.] I’ll gladly take the intervention.

I’m enjoying thoroughly his extensive peroration here. Could I simply ask, on the issue of national infrastructure, where is the electrification from beyond Cardiff down to Swansea and west Wales? When is it going to happen—if ever?

Excuse me. Before you carry on, can everyone just calm down? Because when you shout, somebody else has to shout above you to be heard. Can we just keep it down slightly, and we’ll listen?

Sorry, Deputy Presiding Officer. I would gladly take an intervention from the Member for Ogmore so that he can correct the Record to say how many times he voted for the Labour Government to electrify rail lines in Wales when he was a Member of Parliament. I think it will show that he never voted once, whereas the Conservatives are electrifying the line between Paddington and Cardiff, and will continue to electrify beyond Cardiff. That’s more than the Labour Party ever did. I would love to give way, but the clock is slowly going to beat me.

If you look at the economic statistics, this Government is not giving the confidence that is required to say that it is a new Government, with new energy and a new impetus to deal with the deep-seated economic problems that Wales faces. That cannot be right. It cannot be the way that Members are going to allow this Government to carry on for the next four years. We, on this side of the house, will certainly continue to challenge the Government at every turn and work to make sure that people’s aspirations and beliefs in our great country can be achieved. That’s why we have tabled this motion today. I hope that Plaid Cymru will consider their amendment. I’ll most probably be disappointed in that fact, but it will be good to see the opposition come together and vote to show that we do not have the confidence in the current programme for government—and rather than just change the headlines, they act with substance and vote for this motion that’s before the Assembly today.

Thank you. I have selected the amendment to the motion, and I call on Simon Thomas to move amendment 1, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Amendment 1—Rhun ap Iorwerth

Insert at end of point:

and that its failures are compounded by the actions of the UK Conservative Government’.

Amendment 1 moved.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I think we had a very good example just now of chasing the headlines and not producing any substance whatsoever. I get it that the Conservatives oppose the Labour Party. What I don’t get is any sense of what they’d do if they were in Government in Wales, or any progressive or positive ideas that they have for our economy or our society.

Now, it will come as no shock to the Conservatives, or to the Labour Party for that matter, that Plaid Cymru says, ‘A plague o’ both your houses!’ We don’t stand here to support either of the unionist parties who want to lock us into a union that has been so unsuccessful at protecting the interests of the people of Wales or building the Welsh economy. We don’t accept that narrative at all, and we will always try, in this place, as the elected opposition, to work with the Government of the day to achieve what’s best for our communities, what’s best for Wales—and we will work with any party in that regard.

I think I understand where the Conservatives were coming from in putting forward this rather simple but straightforward motion today. They saw us vote against the supplementary budget last week, and they thought, ‘Ah, that’s the vote against the supply, let’s put a motion down on the confidence, and let’s see if we can get some kind of parliamentary thing going here’. But we don’t follow Westminster conventions in this place. Plaid Cymru certainly doesn’t. We’re not in a relationship with the Labour Party that’s one of confidence and supply, or one of coalition. We’re in a Welsh solution that we agreed with the Labour Party at the time that we elected the First Minister. Because, like the leader of the Welsh Conservatives had to accept—and we have to accept as well—the Labour Party won the election; and therefore their nomination for First Minister deserved our attention and potential support, or at least tolerance, in this Chamber. As a result of that, we had a series of agreements, leading up to the budget, which has delivered, as far as we are concerned, on many of the things that we think were important for Wales. We’ve seen the fruits of that, whether it’s the innovative fund for drugs, whether it’s the extra resources for economic development, or whether it’s what we’ve done on business rates. We’ve seen that delivered in the process over the last year.

So, we are confident in going back to the people who voted for Plaid Cymru on what we’ve done, having been elected to this place. What we don’t have, however, is any confidence in the UK Conservative Government to deliver likewise. We’ve just seen that in this last week, with the budget and the screeching u-turn that was done only today. The fact is this: after 10 years almost now of austerity politics, we’ve only recorded mediocre growth in the economy, negligible growth in productivity throughout the UK, and Wales is even more behind in productivity than that. By 2022, people will be 18 per cent poorer than they were in 2008. Now, I know that that was just after a recession, but the fact is that austerity politics, as worked through by the Conservatives, have not delivered for the people of Wales.

Will you take an intervention?

I will take an intervention.

Would you agree that austerity has never worked, from Hoover in the United States of America, through to Greece today, and all it does is make people poorer?

I think that I and Mike Hedges would share a Keynesian view of the world in this regard. I would say to him that the Office for Budget Responsibility came to the Finance Committee this morning. They didn’t tell the Finance Committee this morning because it is in their report, but they said that, clearly, fiscal consolidation continues to depress GDP. In other words, austerity is damaging the economy. But Westminster is insistent on sticking to it, regardless of the damage it is causing. I have to say that, although the Labour Party has changed a little over the last year, initially, they signed up to that austerity charter. Even Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell put their names to that austerity charter. That’s why they have proven to be such an ineffective opposition since then in Westminster—up to and including today, as I can see in Prime Minister’s questions.

Infrastructure is something that could drive us out of austerity. But, even those infrastructure projects that could be benefiting Wales—such as electrification to Swansea, such as the tidal lagoon, such as the Swansea city deal—are all delayed by UK Government politics and their considerations. So, I think it is quite simplistic, really, for the Conservatives in Westminster and former Conservatives here in this Chamber as well—[Interruption.] I don’t have time now, sorry, Mark. I appreciate your view, but I don’t have time now. I think it is very easy for them to gloat about the poor situation that Wales finds itself in—the constant harping that we have that we could never pay our own way and we could never be independent. It is as a result of the two unionist parties and what they have done to Wales that we are in this poor situation and unable to make those key decisions for ourselves that the Scottish people are able to take. So, until that changes, we will remain the voice of opposition in this place, both to the Conservatives and to the Labour Party—or rather to the coalition government, which Peter Black usefully described it as now. We will remain a clear voice of alternative politics in this place. That is our view.

The Welsh Government has been in power in Wales for 18 years. For 11 of those 18 years they have governed hand in hand with a Labour Government in Westminster. During those 18 long and wasted years, they have systematically failed to improve the lives of our most vulnerable members of society. One in five children in Wales still lives in poverty. What a shame. This is higher than in England or Scotland, and higher than the average of the United Kingdom. In spite of spending £500 million since 2001 on their much-vaunted Communities First programme, they have failed to raise prosperity levels in the most disadvantaged parts of Wales. I represent many of those communities in south-east Wales. These communities have been let down by Labour’s failure to break the cycle of poverty and deprivation. Of the United Kingdom’s 12 regions, Wales is the tenth most impoverished, and that is a shame. Despite the goal to eradicate child poverty by 2020, rates have remained stagnant. Last month, the Cabinet Secretary for Communities and Children admitted that Communities First, in his words, had not had the impact on overall poverty levels in these communities, which remain stubbornly high. He went on to say that a new approach is needed that deals with the root causes of poverty.

In spite of this admission of failure, we have had no clear announcement of what will replace Communities First. Instead, the current programme will continue until March 2018, and there will be 30 per cent cuts in funding. It could be that one of the reasons for the failure of Communities First is that not enough money reached front-line projects in Wales. For example, the Communities First cluster in Caerphilly, Deputy Presiding Officer, spend £375,000 on front-line projects last year. However, they spent more than £2 million on staffing. Communities First promised so much, but has delivered so little.

Education remains the best route out of poverty, but Welsh Labour has failed to provide so many of our children with the skills they need to succeed in life. The recent PISA result, which Andrew earlier mentioned, highlights the growing gap between the skills businesses need from their employees and the provision of education in Wales. More than a fifth of Welsh students lack the reading skills for functioning in the workplace. Again, this is the highest proportion of any nation in the United Kingdom. We face a skills shortage here in Wales. More than 72 per cent of Welsh businesses experienced difficulty in recruiting the right staff in 2015. Sixty-one per cent of Welsh businesses fear they will not be able to recruit enough high-skilled workers to meet demand and to grow. Employers in various industries frequently raise concerns that they struggle to find graduates with the right skill or work experience in Wales.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I came to live in Wales 47 years ago. It used to be a wonderful city, Newport, and a prosperous town. But if you look at it now, I think instead of going forward, it’s pedalling backwards in all walks of life. This is true. I know this is something—I have seen it. I know the people who are living there. Whether you look at education, housing, transport, you name it—and I can count many other areas where even our councils are struggling to fulfil—. [Interruption.] We were debating here the rubbish collection, which used to be very good every week, but not anymore—fortnightly. And there is more rubbish—[Interruption.] No, I’ve got no time. There is more rubbish on the streets now than probably for recycling. It’s frustrating. It frustrates me to see the country I chose to make my home fall further and further behind other parts of the United Kingdom and the world. The Welsh Government cannot duck its responsibility and pass blame to others on the other side of the channel, to the Westminster Government. That is totally foolish. They have had 18 years to change and to make life better in Wales, which they haven’t done. They have let Wales down, and it’s a shame. Thank you.

I’m delighted to speak in today’s debate, to set on the record the excellent work this Welsh Labour Government has done, and continues to do, as the people of Wales experience the impact of attacks and failure of the Tory Government at Westminster. Members will only need to look at my own constituency to see how the Welsh Labour Government is providing strong leadership on economic support, together with investment for our future, whilst the Tory Government turns away from us.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I could actually spend the rest of the whole hour highlighting the Welsh Labour Government achievements and Tory failures, but in my contribution I’ll focus on just two examples that highlighted such differences. Firstly, the steel industry, as you would expect, often referred to as the beating heart of Port Talbot, has seen unwavering support from this Welsh Labour Government, and it remains committed to doing everything in its power to secure the long-term future of the Tata plants in Wales. It continues to work closely with the trade unions and Tata Steel in this regard, and since the announcements of job losses last year, and then the sale of Tata Steel’s business in the UK, this Welsh Government has offered significant conditional support to keep steel production and steel jobs at all Tata sites in Wales. Such support includes the provision of over £4 million for skills and training, a package that will help develop the future workforce of Tata’s Welsh sites, improving succession planning and facilitating the transfer of skills for the mature workforce to the young employees—a vitally important area to ensure the longevity of steel making in Wales, and which shows the Welsh Government’s confidence in the long-term production of steel in Wales.

The Welsh Government has also announced £8 million support towards an £18 million investment in the power plant at Port Talbot works, reducing energy costs and cutting carbon emissions. At the recent cross-party group on steel here at the Assembly, senior trade union officials told us this will be a game changer for Port Talbot, helping towards a reduction in energy costs. So, what has the Tory UK Government done? Any takers? [Interruption.] Oh, yes, I’m happy to take an intervention.

A package of measures for green energy; £132 million has gone into high-energy companies such as Tata Steel, and more to come up to the £400 million rebate that’s been offered by the Treasury in London. That’s a lot more than you’ve done on business rates, which you haven’t tackled at all from this front bench.

I was waiting for that one. Can I remind the Member that, in fact, his party promised in 2011 that package? In 2014 the EU actually approved a package, in 2015 they approved another one, and extended it, and by 2016 we still hadn’t received the money. When announcements are made about job losses, when announcements were made about sales—over four years waiting for the UK Government to do something. So, don’t tell me that they actually are reacting. They were slow to react. They did call a steel summit when Redcar was closed. There was enough hot air coming from politicians to keep the rolling mills going for quite a while. But, you know, they did need help to create an even playing field, and that’s all the industry asked for—an even playing field. It didn’t happen. They failed to take the necessary steps to reduce the costs on energy for all Tata and other steel companies, and the quality of steel in this country is one of the best in the world. And we need that to support our industry, but despite promises of procurement, the Ministry of Defence actually went to France for steel for the Trident submarines, and the UK Government has failed to commit itself to procurement of British steel for HS2. It’s terrible, in fact. And in contrast, the Welsh Government has examined the future need for steel in public sector infrastructure and construction projects in Wales and has committed to using procurement to open up accessible opportunities, doing more than the UK Government has actually ever done.

My second example—because I did say two—reflects the progress in building modern, state-of-the-art schools for our children. In England, we saw the Tory Government abolish the building schools for the future programme, and that would have actually seen a similar concept. And if it had been under the control of English Government, we’d have seen no schools built in Wales at all. Here in Wales, we’re proud of the twenty-first century schools programme. But more than building new schools, it’s actually a programme that focuses resources on building the right school in the right place to deliver education from early years through to post-16. It delivers learning environments that will enable successful implementation of strategies to deliver improved educational outcomes. It creates public buildings that meet national building standards and reduces the costs that schools will have to find.

Only this Monday, the Cabinet Secretary actually attended one, Ysgol Bae Baglan, and saw for herself the fantastic state-of-the-art school that has replaced three ageing secondary schools in my constituency. Twenty million pounds from this Welsh Government has actually allowed young people in Briton Ferry, Sandfields, Port Talbot and Baglan to benefit from modern, state-of-the-art facilities. And they’re building three more schools in Aberavon—fantastic news and fantastic support from this Welsh Government.

Dirprwy Lywydd, the truth always comes out and this debate reminds us that this Labour Government invests in our future, while the Tories in power in Westminster have shown that they either ignore us or seek to penalise those most at risk. The Welsh Labour Government is fighting for the people of Wales and the people of Wales recognised that last May.

I am tempted to just cough and say the words ‘Cwrt Sart’, but I won’t.

Andrew R.T. Davies was talking earlier about energy, and 18 years is a long time for any party, and I do mean any party, to be in Government. It doesn’t really matter who props them up, it’s still a long time. But the one thing that is good about it is that it gives those parties a long term to plan, and I do think that is a good thing.

Since the Alastair Campbell days of headline-driven policy making, short-termism has become a less than helpful feature of politics. This sort of ‘show me now’ expectation puts pressure on Governments to come up with a shiny new distraction on the back of every budget, and an annual budget cycle brings its own difficulties to long-term planning.

Eighteen years also gives parties a long time to make mistakes. I think we can be forgiven for making the odd mistake. Everyone miscalculates from time to time. But my essential difficulty with these Labour-led Governments is that 18 years is a long time to put those mistakes right. And they haven’t done that—they just keep making them. Eighteen years is also a long time to blame everybody else. In the six years or so that I’ve been here, the standard response to scrutiny has been, ‘Well, it’s not me, Miss, it’s those Tories in Westminster.’ Well, at 18, I would expect a more mature response from anyone. Those Tories had to play the hand that was dealt to them and the Government here needs to do the same, especially as they’ve had 12 years more practice. And, yes, I would expect a party that’s been in power for 18 years to do things differently from the UK Government. The reason we have devolution is to put the needs of the people of Wales first. You’ve seen the Welsh Conservatives develop policies that are quite different from those of colleagues in Westminster, because the needs of Wales are specific. The reality of that, though, is that these needs now are specific, and not in a good way, as a result of 18 years of poor Government here: NHS waiting lists, education and skills and standards—despite the lovely new schools—GVA, child poverty, bad investment decisions along with small business deaths, poor social mobility, and indifference to rural communities.

In the six years that I’ve been here, Labour-led Government haven’t just blamed Westminster, it’s been a series of, ‘I expect the health boards to do this’, ‘That’s a matter for local authorities’, ‘That’s for the headteacher to decide’. And I would go some way to accepting those responses, as a subscriber to localism and subsidiarity myself, if they were followed up by adequate resource following every new expectation, and if they were subject to some visible accountability.

Last week, I was at Bridgend College, which has received a double excellent result from its Estyn inspection. This is a miracle for two reasons. The first is that they managed to weather the loss of 150 members of staff, following the crippling cuts that Welsh Government inflicted on them two years ago, and the second is that 88 per cent of their learners are below level 1 in numeracy and 84 per cent are below level 1 in literacy.

Now, these are the students who were born under a Welsh Labour Government. They have been educated in accordance with Welsh Labour policy. Half of them come from areas classified as ‘most deprived’, most deprived after a whole lifetime of Labour Welsh policy. Our new teachers, of whom we’re going to expect so much in this Donaldson era, only know the education system that they had themselves. How can we imagine that a nine-month PGCE is anywhere near long enough for them to look for those new ideas when their own experience was either about grade-led meltdown, or no expectation at all? I don’t doubt the Cabinet Secretary’s determination not to waste another generation’s potential, but I have no sense of direction of leadership about how this Labour-led Government will ameliorate the consequences of 18 years of mistakes. It is the same old stuff: only already exhausted local authorities can be trusted to effect change, but you won’t give them any sufficient resource to do what you’re asking them to do—not on education; delays in planning anything so local businesses with good ideas give up on the whole idea of partnership working and get on with what they do, locking up their expertise and not sharing it; a lack of frankness about how efficiently public services work, for fear of it being an attack on the workforce when, actually, a workforce feels valued when it’s able to do its job as best as it can without waste and without constant meddling, and you get constant meddling when there is no vision at the top, and no say at the bottom.

Will you take an intervention?

I’m a bit short on time, but if you can keep it quick.

Thank you for taking the intervention. Do you therefore agree with me also that—? You say getting the best out of the workforce—one way of getting the best out of the workforce is working in partnership with the workforce, as we are seeing across Neath Port Talbot, where there is a great partnership between the workforce and the council. That’s a way of getting success.

Absolutely; that was my point. I’m thinking some of these partnerships don’t work because, actually, the private sector isn’t as involved as it could be, and I think that’s a real shame for Wales.

This is what I have seen over these last six years. I know there’s only so much money, but how well has it been spent? There’s no vision, no bravery, and Wales needs its Government to be brave enough to do something. You’ve had the privilege of a long Government. Your long-term plan seems to have been to do the same thing over and over again for the same result, and that is your unforgivable mistake.

UKIP has no difficulty at all in supporting this motion today. The best that can be said of the Labour Government in Cardiff is that its problems are serious but not terminal, which is the opposite to the position of the Labour Party in Westminster, whose problems are terminal but not serious. Fortunately, we haven’t got—[Interruption.] Fortunately, we haven’t got Jeremy Corbyn as the First Minister in Wales to impose upon us the economic policies that have created such a massive success in Venezuela and Cuba, the other countries in the world that he venerates. That’s not to say that we approve of everything that the Conservative Government at Westminster does as well, and we’ve seen in the course of the last week how one car-crash mistake has now been reversed, and the famous white van man has managed to change the Chancellor’s mind and turn him into white flag man, and a very good thing, too.

But I must say I was rather taken aback by Simon Thomas’s speech about what it means to be an opposition party in this place, because he referred to the right of the Labour Party to continue to be the Government of this country as though they’d actually won the election last May. The truth of the matter is not only did they not win a majority of the seats, they only got 33 per cent of the vote. I don’t think that that is a resounding qualification for the leadership of this country, and after 18 years I would have thought that the opposition would have had more ambition than to be Carwyn Jones’s pit prop to keep up his tottering administration. Unfortunately, Plaid Cymru is a bogus opposition, because we know that at every opportunity when there is, effectively, a vote of confidence—and we saw it the other day on the supplementary budget—they won’t actually press home the advantage in votes that we have collectively as opposition parties. They keep this tottering Government in place, and so they can’t shuffle off the failures of the Labour Government entirely upon the Labour Party, because they are actually the Labour Party’s accomplices in all of this. And over the last 18 years, occasionally, they’ve actually been formal accomplices. Now they’re the informal ones but, nevertheless, without them, the Labour Party would not now be the Government of Wales. And in the course of the last 18 years, as Andrew R.T. Davies pointed out in his opening speech, Wales has become the poorest region, virtually, in western Europe. We’ve seen us actually going backwards in 18—. [Interruption.] Oh, go on.

Thank you for giving way; I’m very grateful to you. Will he then explain what is the alternative Government of Wales that he proposes?

Well, the alternative Government of Wales would be one of him and me, I think, which would be a very alternative Government indeed, of course. It is true to say that it would undoubtedly be a rainbow coalition of parties if Plaid Cymru, the Conservatives, UKIP and the independents had combined in order to provide a change of Government for Wales. But, a change is as good as a rest, as they say, and I think that anything would be better than what we’ve got at any rate.

Wales has moved backwards in the last 18 years, from having been second from the bottom of all the regions of England and the nations of the United Kingdom, we are now at the bottom of the league table. Andrew Davies pointed out that four out of the six health boards are in either special measures or targeted intervention, and the PISA results speak for themselves. On all the major indices of achievement, the Labour Government has failed and it surely is time for some kind of change.

I must say, I was taken aback secondly by Simon Thomas saying that if we had independence in Wales, it would all suddenly become very different because we could then move into a Keynesian nirvana where money growing on trees could be picked off and spent. But, of course, how could he do that? Because unless Wales had its own currency, he wouldn’t be able simply to print the money that he wants to spend. This was the question that the SNP couldn’t answer during the Scottish referendum campaign. If they became an independent nation, how would they manage their spending plans if they were either part of the eurozone or if they were part of the sterling zone? And there is no answer to that question. The answer is, of course, that although the Government at Westminster has doubled the national debt in the last seven years—which must be the most Keynesian policy that we’ve ever had in this country—that has not achieved the impact that Plaid Cymru thinks it would have if they had the opportunity to do that in Wales.

The future of Wales lies with the industries of the future, which are in the areas of high technology—the digital future of this country. What we see going on the other side of the Severn bridge, with Dyson’s new technology campus at Hullavington—it’s only an hour from where we are here in Cardiff—these are the kinds of industries that we should be attracting into Wales. We should look forward to a low-tax, low-regulation environment that is going to make Wales a beacon to attract the investment that we need to produce those jobs for the future.

I would like to thank the Welsh Conservatives for giving me an opportunity to rise in this debate to highlight the actual work of the Welsh Labour Government. It would be equally remiss of me to start without mentioning ‘Spreadsheet Phil’ even further from today’s announcements. The Tory UK Government Chancellor last week caused absolute outrage with one of the most naked broken promises in politics—a broken promise that would cause even Nick Clegg to blush. It is not often in this Chamber that I will ever, I hope, quote David Cameron, but I’ll give it a go. He tweeted on 25 March in 2015,

‘I've ruled out raising VAT. Why won't Ed Miliband rule out raising National Insurance contributions? Labour always puts up the Jobs Tax.’

Member of the Senedd:

They’re not raising it.

Though in fairness—I realise—Dave did once say, for those today who have got long memories, ‘Too many tweets make a—’.

But in all seriousness and in all earnestness, the Conservatives, despite the u-turns, broke an explicit and direct manifesto promise and did directly betray 1.6 million self-employed people. In contrast, the Welsh Labour Government has delivered on its promises for the people of Wales. Let me suggest to the Welsh Conservatives that they would be better off spending their time trying to find the £2 billion black hole in the UK Conservative budget rather than trying to shout in the wind in this Chamber. Even the OBR, set up by this Government in the UK, has stated we will be 18 per cent worse off in 2020.

Only last May, the people of Wales gave their verdict at the ballot box on the Welsh Labour Government. The Welsh Conservatives told us that Andrew R.T. Davies was to be First Minister—the Welsh people had a different point of view. And the Welsh Conservatives went from the main opposition party to being the third group of this Assembly. So, if Welsh Tory AMs call that progress, then I can only agree they’re heading in the right direction and long may it continue.

Wales continues to outperform the rest of the UK in terms of falling unemployment and both economic inactivity and the claimant count in Wales are falling faster than the UK average. Wales enjoys record inward investment, record tourism figures, the lowest unemployment rates in the UK, the best recycling rates in the UK, the second best recycling rates in Europe and the third best in the world, and record-equalling GCSE results. The Welsh NHS is treating more people than ever before, faster than ever before, despite record demand. [Interruption.] The Welsh NHS is delivering better healthcare for people across Wales. The Welsh ambulance service is the best in the UK. Cancer survival rates continue to improve year on year, and overall waiting times are down 20 per cent on last year. And we, in Wales, are protecting the NHS nurse training bursary, slashed and trashed in England at the deficit and disablement of the NHS in England.

And there are challenges, obviously, there are. Yet, time and time again, the Welsh people have delivered their verdict—

Andrew R.T. Davies rose—

Sorry, I have no time.

[Continues.]—and said that the Welsh Labour Party is the true party of Wales: on their side, with them and standing up for them.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I came to this Assembly from local government and in Wales, under Labour, despite scalic block grant cuts to Wales, local government revenue funding has been protected, standing at £4.114 billion—the best settlement, protected following years of cuts from the UK Government. A level of protection that has not been afforded to local government in England under the Tories. Council budgets there have been cut by 10 per cent in cash terms. Vulnerable people—the biggest users of local authorities in England—are suffering, whereas, in Wales, those budgets have gone up by 2.5 per cent. To put this in context, Cardiff’s expenditure increased by £67 million and in Liverpool, it decreased by £75 million. In the words of Catatonia—and I promise I won’t sing it—‘Every day, when I wake up, I thank the Lord that I am Welsh’ because I served in local government as a teacher, and in Wales, under Labour, school buildings are being radically improved with a £2 billion twenty-first century school building programme—the biggest school building programme Wales has ever seen, after years of pre-devolution disinvestment in school assets. In Islwyn, the magnificent Islwyn High School is rising from the ground; in England, as has been said by many, the Tories have trashed and abolished Labour’s school building programme. So, if it’s true—and it is true—I say to myself, ‘Thank the Lord that I am Welsh’, because as the Conservative Members know in their heart of hearts, life is better under Welsh Labour. Thank you.

Janet Finch-Saunders. [Interruption.] Janet Finch-Saunders. Daydreaming?

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. Today’s debate shines a spotlight on the workings of the Welsh Labour Government and so too on its failings—a Government that has systematically failed to improve living standards for our residents here in Wales. Twenty one per cent of our students are under-proficient in reading; PISA results and GVA are the lowest in the UK; funding for GP services has been cut by £20 million over four years; NHS spend per head is the lowest in the UK; treatment waiting times for routine procedures are two-and-a-half times longer in Wales than in England; one in seven are still lingering on an NHS waiting list; and 127 patients have waited over 105 weeks for treatments such as hip replacements and knee replacements—yes, on the NHS in Wales. So, it should come as no surprise, then, that the Nuffield Trust has said,

‘Wales’s lengthening waiting times should set alarm bells ringing amongst policy-makers’.

By that, of course, they mean the Welsh Labour Government. Now, we face a social care crisis—a forecast of doubling costs over the next 13 years, and yet no strategic forward work management planning in place by this Labour Government.

Locally, there have been £299 million in local government budget cuts since 2013 that have seen many of our vital local services eroded. Council tax, on the other hand, is rising by an average of 3.6 per cent again this year, with Conwy, Ceredigion and Pembrokeshire raising bills by an inflation-busting 5 per cent, thanks to Plaid Cymru and Labour—higher than all but three councils in England and Scotland, and now many more are facing further hikes of up to 4.6 per cent for 2017-18.

Deputy Presiding Officer, our residents pay a significantly higher proportion of their pay packets towards council tax bills than any other British nation. Little wonder, then, that Citizens Advice has labelled council tax as Wales’s single biggest debt problem for our families for the second year running. The failure of the Welsh Labour Government to properly utilise consequential funding of over £94 million that came to Wales provided by, yes, the Conservative-led Government in Westminster between 2010 and 2016 is seeing Welsh council tax payers robbed of their own income to the tune of over £794—

Will you take an intervention?

No, I’m sorry. I’ve started, I’ll finish. You’re always wanting to mention Westminster; well, let me tell you, a band D property in Westminster has a council tax of £669. A band D property in Conwy: £1,401. Business rates are crippling our most hard working and enterprising individuals. In England, under a Conservative Government, our businesses are valued, they are appreciated, they are supported, and they have now received £3.6 billion in transitional relief. The equivalent in monetary terms of this support in value for Wales, if provided, would be £180 million, yet the recent boasting of a £10 million fund to mitigate this appalling increase is an absolute insult—a complete disgrace—proving, once again, that Welsh Labour simply do not get business.

On broadband, average speeds in Wales are the lowest of the UK regions. In Aberconwy, not only individual premises, but almost some whole communities are being excluded from the Superfast Cymru project, whilst the fibre journey continues to report unreliable data under Welsh Labour in power, supported, of course, in recent years by Plaid Cymru and the Lib Dems. Here we go again. What more can I say? But my constituents in Aberconwy have seen a 230 per cent increase in their council tax bills; their local health board put in special measures, and remaining there for 22 months today; and the closure of our rural schools, against the wishes of a number of parents and governors. The Welsh Labour Government is simply failing my constituency, and it is certainly failing the people of Wales. Thank you.

In his opening speech, the leader of the opposition—although I’m not sure I can call him that again; Neil McEvoy is no longer listed as a Plaid Member, I see. He said that he expected to see a new Government with new energy and new impetus. He even went so far, I think, as to say for 18 months he anticipated a blaze of energy. But of course this, to all intents, isn’t a new Labour-led Government. It’s not the first 18 months. It’s the fag-end of 18 years and, frankly, it shows.

We have the Welsh Government’s eight key economic indicators that they set themselves, and the first—I think the most important—of those was GVA per capita. We’re twelfth out of 12 of the English regions and the three nations: Wales, £18,002; UK, £25,351. We go down these and we’re tenth out of 12; eleventh out of 12; twelfth out of 12; ninth out of 12; eleventh out of 12; tenth equal out of 12. There is one, actually, where we’re a bit better, but not all the data are available on that one. I don’t think there’s anything more important that the two major public services that are devolved: the health service and education.

We look at urgent GP cancer referrals. We set ourselves the target of 95 per cent to be seen within two months, yet it’s only 86 per cent. The A&E four-hour waiting time: only 82 per cent in Wales are seen within that. In England it’s 86 per cent, compared to the 95 per cent target they set. We see it for waiting times: three times as long for hip replacement or hernia; nearly twice as long for cataract operations; and, actually, the only reason we’ve got those numbers is because of the Nuffield Trust. The reality is that when Labour aren’t hitting their targets, they stop collecting the data. But one piece of data that is available in the health services in mortality, and for avoidable deaths in Wales we have 240 per 100,000 people, compared to 221 in England. In just one year, that implies 600 extra and avoidable deaths in Wales, and potentially over the period of devolution 10,000.

Turning to education, the leader of the opposition said that the PISA results were going backwards, and I heard muttering from a Labour Member, ‘No we’re not.’ But look at them. I mean, maths, the Wales number is 478 compared to 493. That gap’s getting wider, and it’s fallen in Wales compared to the previous numbers. On reading, we have in Wales 477 compared to 500 in England. That gap has doubled in the past decade, and the Welsh number has been going down. And then, in science, we have Wales on 485, compared to 505 back in 2006; again, the gap has doubled with England. So, that’s the record on the key public services.

But then we also look at the constitutional issue, and we have no settled devolution settlement. The First Minister has instead set Wales on an uncertain journey by saying Scotland should be our model. Now, I don’t wholly blame the Labour-led Welsh Government for the unsatisfactory nature of the Wales Act 2017, but I think, also, Labour frontbench and Labour Welsh MPs, who are the majority, also bear some responsibility for that, as I think does Sir Humphrey and his pernicious influence on the Conservative Government at Westminster. But we had only, I think, pretty marginal changes in the drafting, yet we had these speeches from so many Labour Members, including the frontbench, that, ‘Ah, it’s not great, there’s all these problems with it, but, on balance, and it’s very much an on-balance decision, there’s this great thing that the Sewel convention is going to be codified in law and that will then be judged by the courts, and, on that basis, we should vote for it.’ Yet, within a couple of weeks, the rug was pulled out from under them, and, following the Counsel General’s intervention, we’re told by the Supreme Court the fact it’s in law makes no difference at all and it remains a convention.

And then, on leaving the EU, we see how the Welsh Government position has evolved. I don’t want to be too critical for this; this is something I’ve been obsessed with all my life. The First Minister has led on it and he’s mugged up over the past nine months and his understanding has developed. But he’s had three separate positions on freedom of movement. At one point, he very sensibly said that we couldn’t be members of the single market—indeed, he voted down a Plaid motion on it—because we needed to deal with freedom of movement. Unfortunately, that position now seems to have gone back, and free and unfettered access to the single market is, I think, something that would get a consensus. But then, when that then becomes full participation in the single market, as I’ve said before, what on earth does that mean? I saw that Jane Hutt, the leader of the house, adopted a new formulation in taking questions yesterday—she referred to ‘participation’ in the single market. But, ultimately, are we going to do what the people of Wales want? They voted to leave. Are we going to come out of the single market? Are we going to restrict freedom of movement? Are we going to take a sensible approach to this and back, actually, what the people of Wales decided, or are we going to try and hug the Scottish Government? All the Scottish Government cares about is independence.

The idea of the future UK framework as something that the Wales relationship with England or with UK Government, and the huge importance of that for us—the idea that that should be based on whatever Nicola Sturgeon fancies stirring up or having as a precept in negotiations on the UK framework I think is wrong. We need to see the Welsh Government lead in finding a settled model of devolution, not the independence supported by 6 per cent of the country, yet, however many Members there now are opposite, and we look to the Government to lead on that. Unfortunately, it’s not doing so, and I’m delighted to support the Conservative motion today.

Thank you very much. I now call on the leader of the house, Jane Hutt.

Dirprwy Lywydd, I’m very pleased to have the opportunity to respond to this debate, and I do intend to speak on our record and be positive about what this Welsh Labour Government is achieving in Wales, because it is a record of a Welsh Labour Government delivering for the people of Wales.

So, let’s start with the economy: fewer people out of work in Wales and close to record numbers in work. The latest figures bear testament to this: the unemployment rate in Wales now remains lower than the UK average, and we’ve created tens of thousands of new jobs. Last year alone, the Welsh Government helped create and protect 37,500 jobs. But we’ve also responded to the economic challenges, and supporting our Save our Steel campaign is an example of that, as David Rees has said. We’ve taken action to safeguard the steel industry here in Wales. Thanks to the £60 million of support the Welsh Labour Government has set aside to support the steel industry, we’ve been able to keep steel jobs and steel production here in Wales.

Dirprwy Lywydd, more than 15,000 young people, across all our constituencies, have been supported into work through the first Jobs Growth Wales programme, and apprenticeship success rates are higher in Wales than in England. We’re supporting tens of thousands of small businesses with their business rates and we’ve listened and responded to their concerns about revaluation by creating two bespoke relief schemes.

How do you respond to official figures showing that Wales has the highest level of people not in employment, the highest level of underemployment, and the highest percentage of employees not on permanent contracts amongst the 12 UK nations and regions?

ONS figures, of course, show now 4.4 per cent unemployment in Wales, compared with 4.7 per cent across the whole of the UK. ONS figures speak for themselves. But, also, we’re continuing to drive forward improvements in health and social care. Let’s put the record straight again: we spend 6 per cent more on health and social care here in Wales than in England, and people are being treated faster and living longer, waiting times are falling—the latest cancer figures are proof of that. Our new £16 million-a-year new treatment fund will provide faster and more consistent access to new and innovative medicines. Welsh ambulance response times are consistently above target and among the best in the UK. Delayed transfers of care are close to historical low levels despite an increase in demand for hospital care—stark contrast to England where, according to the UK Government’s own figures, delayed transfers of care have risen to record levels and social care is in deep crisis.

On education, pupils’ performance at key stage 4 is continuing to rise. The gap between children receiving free school meals and their peers is narrowing. Absenteeism from our primary schools is at lowest-ever levels. And we are, as has been said already this afternoon, two thirds of the way through the most ambitious school building and replacement programme since the 1960s—112 of 150 schools and colleges either in construction or completed. Thank you, again, to David Rees for drawing attention to that £40 million Ysgol Bae Baglan in Neath Port Talbot. We should be proud of this—in Neath Port Talbot, officially opened last week with Kirsty Williams—a school that has spaces for 1,500 pupils, replacing three secondary schools and one primary school. It will stay open until 10 o’clock at night on weekdays, the canteen transforming into a community cafe. That’s a Welsh Labour Government investing in our children and young people, supporting our teachers—the best learning environment. Ysgol Bro Teifi in Ceredigion—another of our twenty-first century schools—was Wales’s first purpose-built combined primary and secondary Welsh-medium community school. That was designed in partnership with teachers and pupils, linking all phases of learning on a single site. But we’re also implementing a unique package of higher education support, guaranteeing student support linked to the national living wage while they complete their studies.

Also, Dirprwy Lywydd, we’re delivering for communities across Wales. No-one’s mentioned housing. In the last Assembly, we built more than 11,000 affordable homes, and brought 5,000 empty homes back into use. I saw those houses that had been shut up opening up for people who were in housing need, and helping 3,300 homebuyers buying through Help to Buy—Wales.

David Melding rose—

Just hold on one second. By 2021, we will have done more, as we will build a further 20,000 affordable homes.

The amount of underbuilding we’ve done is about 4,000 or 5,000 homes each and every year throughout the period of devolution. If you don’t believe me about where we are and the crisis we’re in, can I refer you to the excellent explanatory memorandum that the Government has produced on the abolition of the right to buy Bill? [Laughter.]

Well, I think that the people who are in housing need, and who do benefit and whom I’ve met—not just in terms of affordable and social housing, but in terms of those who have access to help to buy as first-time buyers—would, I think, disagree with your disputing of figures, which, of course, are very clear in terms of the 20,000 affordable homes that we have committed ourselves to, in terms of our ‘Taking Wales Forward’.

On the environment, we’ve invested in flood protection. Yesterday, we heard of the status that we are achieving, in partnership with local government, in terms of being a world leader in recycling: second in Europe, third in the world, in the first half of 2016-17. We recycled 62 per cent of our waste—significantly better, again, than England—Carl Sargeant made that point very clearly—recycling rates are under 44 per cent. Aren’t you proud to live in Wales, as Rhianon Passmore says? We are doing all of this against the backdrop of austerity, in the shadow of a Conservative UK Government that has systematically failed to invest in public services. It’s taken from the poor and the vulnerable at the very time when it should be supporting them. It’s squandered billions in pet projects that benefit the well-off and entitled. So, we will take no lessons from the Conservatives about government. In Westminster, theirs is a Government of broken promises—a Government which, last week, as Rhianon Passmore so eloquently described and reminded us, broke a manifesto commitment not to increase national insurance contributions. [Interruption.] Yes, this afternoon—as Simon Thomas said earlier on, the smell of rubber with the u-turn, the spectacular u-turn, dropping their plans. But I have a serious question for Andrew R.T. Davies, for you to ask your colleagues in Westminster. This u-turn has left a £645 million hole in this budget and his spending plans for social care and schools. So, I would ask that question: what is now going to be scrapped and cut as a result of that u-turn?

But, on a very serious note about the clash and differences of our values, this is the same Tory Government that prematurely scrapped the Dubs amendment scheme after giving just a tenth of the child refugees it had originally promised a safe haven in the UK. That makes me angry. It makes a lot of people angry here in Wales. Because, in Wales, we have a warm welcome for refugees. We support our local authorities in their vital role in caring for migrants and asylum seekers.

So, Dirprwy Lywydd, the Tory UK Government will have taken £1 billion from Wales in the decade since 2011—money that our public services desperately need. Dirprwy Lywydd, I want to close by returning to our record as a Welsh Government. Yes, thank you for acknowledging that, last May, I was very proud when the people of Wales re-elected Welsh Labour as the majority party to form a Government, and that we have set out an ambition, a programme for government, and that Kirsty Williams is part of our Government. ‘Taking Wales Forward’ will help us deliver that. But I would say to this Assembly, finally, that we are in power at a critically important time—arguably the most important time of the last 18 years. Six weeks after the Assembly election, Wales voted to leave the European Union. As a Government, we’re working to ensure that Wales’s best interests are both represented and secured during the negotiations to leave Europe. We have worked closely with Plaid Cymru to produce the White Paper ‘Securing Wales’s Future’. This is where we share—and we must; we have to a duty to share—responsibility, because we have to put the interests of Wales first. That is what this Welsh Labour Government is doing, and I am proud of it.

Andrew R.T. Davies to reply to the debate.

Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I welcome and congratulate everyone who’s contributed in the debate in their own particular way. It was noticeable from the leader of the house that she didn’t address head-on the very points that were put to her around health waiting times, around recruitment of doctors and nurses to get our health service back up to where we want it to be, around the special measures that four of our six health boards find themselves in, and around the points that Mark Reckless touched on, where he used the indices that are internationally recognised. Wales, sadly, is at the foothills of those league tables. None of us are proud about that at all. We are ambitious for Wales, but what we want is a Government in this place that has the same ambitions that the people of Wales have. Regrettably, from the exhibition that the leader of the house gave today—. All she gave was a poor excuse for the record to date delivered by this Government. Do you know what makes me angry, leader of the house? [Interruption.] I’ll take the intervention in a minute. Do you know what makes me angry, leader of the house? That generation after generation of schoolchildren have missed the opportunity to reach their potential under the education system that you have presided over, where you have been a Minister right the way through since the dawn of devolution. I notice that you didn’t address the points that I put to you on education around the PISA rankings, around the funding—£607—around the lack of teachers in our schools, which are all figures that have been given to the education committee by the unions. You have presided over those figures, and you continue to preside over those figures. David Rees touched on—[Interruption.] Sorry, Jenny, I did forget. I’ll take the intervention. Sorry.

If you are so exercised about education, why didn’t you submit a motion to be debated on the quality of our education, instead of this catch-all motion, which leads us absolutely nowhere and is a waste of Assembly time?

Well, with respect, Jenny, we are three weeks away from the end of term. One-fifth of this Assembly term has gone away. I appreciate that you weren’t here at the start of the debate, but I made the point that, when Governments come in, they normally have energy, they have vibrancy, they blaze ideas and trail blaze ideas that people want to rally around. Sadly, this Government has just continued—[Interruption.]—continued with the same policies that have seen decline in education, decline in health, and a decline in the economy. David Rees touched on the steel industry. One thing the steel industry has been talking about time and time again is help around business rates. This Government has done nothing on business rates at all. The Westminster Government has put a £400 million fund for high-energy users—[Interruption.] I’m pushed for time, to be honest with you—£400 million for high-energy users, of which £130 million has been delivered to those high-energy users already. And who put most of the tariffs in place that pushed energy up in this country? It was none other than Ed Miliband, back in 2009 and 2010. He did it—Labour did it. With the greatest of respect to the Member for Islwyn, is it a fact that, when you look to your communities in Islwyn and the Communities First projects that now—. Thankfully, that’s the one thing this Government has noticed: that they had little or no success in lifting people out of poverty. Thankfully, the one thing the Cabinet Secretary has done in his time in office is actually say, ‘Enough is enough’ and pull the drawbridge up on that project.

It’s your Government you should be holding to account for the failure to lift GVA and economic activity in your constituencies. But actually, if Plaid Cymru think the road to independence is the salvation for Wales, then God help us, I have to say, to be honest with you, because ultimately that would be the road to ruination. The union of the United Kingdom has offered Wales the huge opportunities and strength of sharing the resources of the union to support all four parts of that union—[Interruption.]

Can we all just calm down?

They do have this inferiority complex. They really do need to get over it. Rather than having the chip on the shoulder—[Interruption.]

[Inaudible.]—calm down.

[Inaudible.]—you’ll be amazed at what you can achieve.

But this motion today, at the end of what is one fifth of this Assembly term, seeks to highlight how the Government here has failed to address those deep structural problems on the economy, on health, on education, on housing, as has been pointed out by spokespeople here today. In fact, the leader of the house introduced housing herself: 5,000 houses less built a year, every year since devolution. That’s why we’ve got a housing crisis, and your solution is to get rid of the right-to-buy legislation that has empowered so many people the length and breadth of Wales—140,000 people live in and own their homes today and have a stake in the Welsh economy and Welsh society, and if you want to stand against aspiration, you carry on. But on this side of the Chamber, we will continue to make sure that people can reach their full potential. That’s why this motion is before the house today, and I hope that Members will support it.

Thank you. The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Thank you. Therefore I will defer this vote until voting time.

Voting deferred until voting time.

It has been agreed that voting time will take place now, unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung. No? Okay, we will move to voting.